Eves and cannonades. June Crisis (1917)

Introduction

Nicholas ( Carlo) Semyonovich Chkheidze (Georgian ნიკოლოზ ჩხეიძე, 1864, the village of Ways in the Kutaisi province, now in Georgia - June 7, 1926, Leville, near Paris) - a politician of Russia and Georgia.

1. Biography

From nobles. He graduated from the Kutaisi gymnasium. In 1887 he entered the Novorossiysk University, from where he was expelled for participating in student unrest. Later he entered the Kharkov Veterinary Institute, from where he was also expelled in 1888.

Since 1892 a member of the Social Democratic organization (known as "Mesame Dasi"), in 1898 he joined the RSDLP, from 1903 a Menshevik. In 1898 he moved to Batumi, where he worked as an inspector of the municipal hospital. In 1898-1902 he was a member of the Batumi City Duma, a member of the City Council. In 1902-1905 - inspector of the city hospital.

He took part in the revolution of 1905. In 1907 he became a member of the Tiflis City Duma, then a deputy of the 3rd State Duma from the Tiflis province. Since 1912 - Deputy of the 4th State Duma, head of the Menshevik faction, member of the "Duma lodge" of the Great East of the peoples of Russia. After the outbreak of World War I, the Menshevik faction led by Chkheidze, together with the Bolsheviks, on July 26 (August 8), 1914, voted against war credits. In 1915 he announced the resolution of the Zimmerwald Conference in the Duma.

2. After the February Revolution

On February 27 (March 12), 1917, Chkheidze became a member of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies and was elected its chairman. On the same day he entered the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. On the night of March 2, he participated in negotiations on the formation of the Provisional Government, but refused to enter it as the Minister of Labor. After the July demonstration, he opposed the Bolsheviks as instigators and conspirators, declared the full support of the Provisional Government by the Soviets. After the adoption by the Petrograd Soviet of the Bolshevik resolution "On Power", in protest, together with the entire Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Presidium of the Petrograd Soviet, on September 6 (19) Chkheidze resigned his powers. Leonid Trotsky became the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Soon he left for Georgia and never returned to Russia. Chkheidze reacted negatively to the October Revolution. Since 1918, the chairman of the Transcaucasian Seim and the Constituent Assembly of Georgia, a member of the Georgian Menshevik Party. In 1919 he was a representative of Georgia at the Paris (Versailles) conference together with I. G. Tsereteli. After the Red Army entered Georgia in 1921, he emigrated to France. Participated in the work of emigrant organizations. Committed suicide, being terminally ill with tuberculosis.

Literature

Political parties of Russia. Late 19th early 20th century. M., 1996.

3rd convocation of the State Duma: portraits, biographies, autographs. - St. Petersburg: edition of N. N. Olshansky, 1910.

V. S. Brachev, Freemasons in Russia: from Peter I to the present day. Ch.14, 16.

Bolsheviks and Lenin

On April 3, Lenin arrived in Petrograd from exile. Only from this moment does the Bolshevik Party begin to speak with its full voice, and, more importantly, with its own.

The first month of the revolution was for Bolshevism a time of confusion and vacillation. The "Manifesto" of the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks, drawn up immediately after the victory of the uprising, stated that "the workers of factories and plants, as well as the insurgent troops, must immediately elect their representatives to the Provisional Revolutionary Government." The manifesto was printed in the official organ of the Council without comment or objection, as if it were an academic question. But the leading Bolsheviks, too, attached a purely demonstrative significance to their slogan. They acted not as representatives of a proletarian party that is preparing to launch an independent struggle for power, but as a left wing of democracy, which, proclaiming its principles, is going to play the role of loyal opposition for an indefinitely long time.

Sukhanov claims that at the meeting of the Executive Committee on March 1, only the conditions for the transfer of power were at the center of the discussion: not a single vote was raised against the very fact of the formation of a bourgeois government, despite the fact that the Executive Committee included 11 Bolsheviks out of 39 members and adjoining them, moreover, 3 members of the center, Zalutsky, Shlyapnikov and Molotov, were present at the meeting.

The next day in the Soviet, according to Shlyapnikov himself, out of the four hundred deputies present, only 19 people voted against the transfer of power to the bourgeoisie, while there were already about forty people in the Bolshevik faction. This vote itself passed completely unnoticed, in a formal parliamentary manner, without clear counter-proposals from the Bolsheviks, without a struggle and without any kind of agitation in the Bolshevik press.

On March 4, the Bureau of the Central Committee adopted a resolution on the counter-revolutionary nature of the Provisional Government and on the need to head for the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. . “Considering the resolution on the Provisional Government adopted by the Soviet,” he declared that he “does not oppose the power of the Provisional Government so much as ...” In essence, this was the position of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, only pushed back to the second line of trenches. The openly opportunist resolution of the Petrograd Committee only in form contradicted the position of the Central Committee, whose academic character meant nothing more than political reconciliation with an accomplished fact.

The readiness to bow silently or with reservation to the government of the bourgeoisie did not at all meet with undivided sympathy in the party. The Bolshevik workers immediately ran into the Provisional Government as a hostile fortification that had suddenly grown up in their path. The Vyborg Committee held rallies of thousands of workers and soldiers, almost unanimously adopting a resolution on the need to take power by the Soviet. Dingelyptedt, an active participant in this agitation, testifies, "There was not a single meeting, not a single workers' meeting that would reject our resolution of such content, if only there was someone to propose it." in front of an audience of workers and soldiers. In view of its success, the Vyborg resolution was printed and pasted up in the form of a poster. But the Petrograd Committee imposed a direct ban on this resolution, and the Vyborg residents were forced to put up with it.

On the question of the social content of the revolution and the prospects for its development, the position of the Bolshevik leadership was no less vague. Shlyapnikov says: “We agreed with the Mensheviks that we were going through a moment of revolutionary breakdown of feudal, feudal relations, that they were being replaced by all sorts of “freedoms” inherent in bourgeois relations.” Pravda wrote in its first issue: "The main task is ... the introduction of a democratic republican system." In an order to the workers' deputies, the Moscow Committee stated: "The proletariat strives to achieve freedom in order to fight for socialism - its ultimate goal." The traditional reference to the "ultimate goal" sufficiently emphasizes the historical distance in relation to socialism. No one went further than this. The fear of going beyond the limits of the democratic revolution dictated a policy of waiting, adapting, and actually retreating before the Compromisers.

It is not difficult to understand how severely the political spinelessness of the center was reflected in the provinces. Let us confine ourselves to the testimony of one of the leaders of the Saratov organization: “Our party, which took an active part in the uprising, apparently lost its influence on the masses, and it was intercepted by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. What were the slogans of the Bolsheviks, no one knew… The picture was very unpleasant.”

The left Bolsheviks, above all the workers, tried with all their might to break the quarantine. But even they did not know how to fend off arguments about the bourgeois character of the revolution and the dangers of isolating the proletariat. Reluctantly, they obeyed the directives of the leadership. Various currents in Bolshevism from the first day quite sharply clashed with each other, but none of them carried their thoughts to the end. Pravda reflected this vague and unstable state of the Party's ideas without introducing any unity into it. The situation became even more complicated by mid-March, after the arrival of Kamenev and Stalin from exile, who turned the steering wheel of official party policy sharply to the right.

A Bolshevik almost from the very beginning of Bolshevism, Kamenev always stood on the right flank of the party. Not devoid of theoretical training and political intuition, with extensive experience in factional struggle in Russia and a store of political observations in the West, Kamenev, better than many other Bolsheviks, grasped the general ideas of Lenin, but only in order to give them in practice the most peaceful interpretation possible. Neither independence of decision, nor initiative of action could be expected from him. An outstanding propagandist, speaker, journalist, not brilliant, but thoughtful, Kamenev was he is especially valuable in negotiations with other parties and for intelligence in other social circles, and from such excursions he always brought with him a particle of moods alien to the party. These features of Kamenev were so obvious that no one was almost mistaken about his political figure. Sukhanov notes in it the absence of "sharp corners": it "always needs to be taken in tow, and if it sometimes rests, then not much." Stankevich writes in the same vein: Kamenev's attitude towards his opponents “was so mild that it seemed that he himself was ashamed of the intransigence of his position; in the committee, he was undoubtedly not an enemy, but only an opposition. There is nothing to add to this daughter.

Stalin represented a completely different type of Bolshevik both in his mental make-up and in the nature of his party work: a strong, theoretically and politically primitive organizer. If Kamenev, as a publicist, for a number of years remained with Lenin in exile, where the center of the theoretical work of the party was located, then Stalin, as a so-called practitioner, without a theoretical outlook, without broad political interests and without knowledge of foreign languages, was inseparable from Russian soil. Such workers appeared abroad only on short visits in order to receive instructions, agree on further tasks and return to Russia again. Stalin advanced among the practitioners with energy, perseverance and ingenuity in behind-the-scenes moves. If Kamenev, due to the properties of his nature, was “embarrassed” by the practical conclusions of Bolshevism, then Stalin, on the contrary, was inclined to defend the practical conclusions he had learned without any mitigation, combining perseverance With rudeness.

Despite the contrast of characters, Kamenev and Stalin did not accidentally take a common position at the beginning of the revolution: they complemented each other. A revolutionary concept without revolutionary will is like a clock with a broken spring: Kamenev's political hand has always lagged behind revolutionary tasks. But the absence of a broad political concept condemns even the strong-willed politician to indecisiveness when large and complex events occur. The empiricist Stalin is open to foreign influences not from the side of his will, but from the side of thought. Thus, in March, a publicist without determination and an organizer without horizons brought their Bolshevism to the very brink of Menshevism. At the same time, Stalin turned out to be even less capable than Kamenev of developing an independent position in the Executive Committee, where he joined as a representative of the party. Not a single proposal, statement, or protest remained in the minutes or in the press in which Stalin expressed the Bolshevik point of view as opposed to the groveling of "democracy" before liberalism. Sukhanov says in his “Notes”: “Among the Bolsheviks, in addition to Kamenev, Stalin appeared in the Executive Committee ... During his modest activity in the Executive Committee (he) produced - not only me - the impression of a gray spot, sometimes looming dimly and without a trace. There is really nothing else to say about him." If Sukhanov clearly underestimates Stalin as a whole, then he correctly characterizes his political impersonality in the conciliatory Executive Committee.

On March 14, the manifesto "To the peoples of the whole world", which interpreted the victory of the February Revolution in the interests of the Entente and meant the triumph of the new, republican social patriotism of the French brand, was adopted in the Soviet unanimously. This meant the undoubted success of Kamenev-Stalin, achieved, apparently, without much struggle. Pravda wrote about him as "a conscious compromise between the various currents represented in the Soviet." It should be added that the compromise meant a direct break with Lenin's trend, which was not at all represented in the Soviet.

Kamenev, a member of the foreign editorial board of the central organ, Stalin, a member of the Central Committee, and Muranov, a deputy of the Duma, who had also returned from Siberia, dismissed the old, too “leftist” editorial office of Pravda and, relying on their problematic rights, took the newspaper into their own hands from March 15. The program article of the new edition stated that the Bolsheviks would strongly support the Provisional Government "insofar as it is fighting reaction or counter-revolution." On the question of the war, the new leaders spoke out no less categorically: as long as the German army obeys its emperor, the Russian soldier must "steadfastly stand at his post, answer a bullet with a bullet and a projectile with a projectile." “Not meaningless “Down with the war” is our slogan. Our slogan is pressure on the Provisional Government in order to force it ... to come out with an attempt to persuade all the belligerent countries to immediately open negotiations ... Until then, everyone remains at his military post! Ideas, like formulations, are defensive through and through. The program of putting pressure on the imperialist government in order to "induce" it to a peace-loving course of action was the program of Kautsky in Germany, Jean Longuet in France, MacDonald in England, and by no means the program of Lenin, who called for the overthrow of imperialist domination. Defending itself against the patriotic press, Pravda went even further. “All “defeatism,” she wrote, “or rather, what the illegible press, under the protection of tsarist censorship, branded with this name, died at the moment when the first revolutionary regiment appeared on the streets of Petrograd.” This was a direct disassociation from Lenin. "Defeatism" was not at all invented by a hostile press under the protection of censorship, it was given by Lenin in the formula: "The defeat of Russia is the lesser evil." The appearance of the first revolutionary regiment and even the overthrow of the monarchy did not change the imperialist character of the war. “The day the first issue of the reformed Pravda came out, March 15,” says Shlyapnikov, “was a day of defensive jubilation. The entire Tauride Palace, from the businessmen of the State Duma Committee to the very heart of revolutionary democracy - the Executive Committee - was filled with one piece of news: the victory of the moderate, prudent Bolsheviks over the extreme ones. In the Executive Committee itself, we were greeted with venomous smiles... When this issue of Pravda was received at the factories, it aroused complete bewilderment among the members of our Party and those who sympathized with us, and caustic pleasure among our opponents... There was great indignation in the districts, and when the proletarians found out, that Pravda had been seized by three former Pravda leaders who had come from Siberia, they demanded that they be expelled from the party.

Pravda soon had to print a sharp protest from the Vyborzhevs: "If it (the newspaper) does not want to lose faith in the workers' quarters, (it) must and will carry the light of revolutionary consciousness, no matter how harsh it may be for bourgeois owls." Protests from below prompted the editors to be more careful in their expressions, but not to change the policy. Even Lenin's first article, which managed to arrive from abroad, passed by the consciousness of the editors. The course went to the right along the entire line. “In our agitation,” says Dingelyptedt, a representative of the left wing, “we had to reckon with the principle of dual power ... and prove the inevitability of this detour to the same worker-soldier mass, which, during a half-month of intense political life, was brought up on a completely different understanding of its tasks.”

The policy of the party throughout the country, of course, was equal to that of Pravda. In many soviets, resolutions on major issues were now adopted unanimously: the Bolsheviks simply bowed to the Soviet majority. At the conference of Soviets of the Moscow region, the Bolsheviks joined the resolution of the social patriots on the war. Finally, at the All-Russian Conference of representatives of 82 soviets, which took place in Petrograd in late March and early April, the Bolsheviks voted for an official resolution on power, which Dan defended. This extraordinary political approach to the Mensheviks was at the basis of the widely developed unifying tendencies. In the provinces, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were part of the united organizations. The Kamenev-Stalin faction was increasingly turning into the left flank of the so-called revolutionary democracy and joined the mechanics of backstage parliamentary "pressure" on the bourgeoisie, supplementing it with backstage pressure on democracy.

The foreign part of the Central Committee and the editorial board of the central organ "Social Democrat" constituted the spiritual center of the party. Lenin, with Zinoviev as his assistant, carried out all the leading work. Extremely responsible secretarial duties were performed by Lenin's wife Krupskaya. In practical work, this small center relied on the support of several dozen Bolshevik émigrés. In the course of the war, isolation from Russia became all the more unbearable, the more closely the military police of the Entente tightened their rings. The explosion of the revolution, which had been long and tensely awaited, was taken by surprise. England categorically refused the emigrants-internationalists, whose lists she carefully kept, a pass to Russia. Lenin went on a rampage in the Zurich cage, looking for a way out. Among the hundreds of plans that succeeded one another, there was also a plan to pass on the passport of a deaf-and-dumb Scandinavian. At the same time, Lenin does not miss a single opportunity to cast his vote from Switzerland. Already on March 6, he telegraphed via Stockholm to Petrograd: “Our tactics: complete distrust, no support for the new government; Kerensky is especially suspect; arming the proletariat is the only guarantee; immediate elections to the Petrograd Duma; no rapprochement with other parties.” Only the mention of elections to the duma instead of the Soviet was episodic in this first directive and soon disappeared; the rest of the points, expressed with telegraphic categoricalness, outline the completely general direction of the policy. At the same time, Lenin began to send his Letters from Afar to Pravda, which, relying on fragments of foreign information, contained a complete analysis of the revolutionary situation. News from foreign newspapers soon enables him to conclude that the Provisional Government, with the direct assistance of not only Kerensky but also Chkheidze, is not without success deceiving the workers by passing off an imperialist war as a defensive one. On March 17, through friends in Stockholm, he writes a letter filled with anxiety: “Our party would disgrace itself forever, would kill itself politically if it went to such a deception ... I would even prefer an immediate split with anyone from our party than I will succumb to social patriotism…” After this seemingly impersonal threat, calculated, however, on certain individuals, Lenin conjures: “Kamenev must understand that world-historical responsibility rests on him.” Kamenev is named because it deals with fundamental questions of politics. If Lenin had in mind a practical combat mission, he would rather remember Stalin. But just in those hours when Lenin was striving to convey the tension of his will to Petrograd through smoking Europe, Kamenev, with the assistance of Stalin, turned sharply in the direction of social patriotism.

Plans for make-up, wigs, foreign or false passports fell away one after another as impracticable. At the same time, the idea of ​​passing through Germany became more and more concrete. This plan frightened most of the emigrants, and not only the patriots. Martov and the other Mensheviks did not dare to join Lenin's audacious initiative and continued to knock in vain on the doors of the Entente. Later, even many Bolsheviks complained about the passage through Germany in view of the difficulties that the “sealed wagon” created in the field of agitation. Lenin did not turn a blind eye to these future difficulties from the very beginning. Krupskaya wrote shortly before her departure from Zurich: “Of course, the patriots will raise a howl in Russia, but you have to be prepared for this.” The question stood like this: either stay in Switzerland or go through Germany. There were no other paths open at all. Could Lenin hesitate even for one extra minute? Exactly one month later, Martov, Axelrod and others had to follow in the footsteps of Lenin.

The organization of this extraordinary trip through an enemy country during the war shows the main features of Lenin the politician: the boldness of the plan and the careful foresight of the execution. In this great revolutionary there lived a pedantic notary who, however, knew his place and began to draw up his act at the moment when this could help the cause of the overthrow of all notarial acts. Extremely carefully worked out conditions for passage through Germany formed the basis of a kind of international treaty between the editors of the émigré newspaper and the Hohenzollern empire. Lenin demanded complete extraterritoriality for transit: no control of the personnel of the travelers, their passports and luggage, not a single person has the right to enter the car on the way (hence the legend of the “sealed” car). For its part, the emigrant group undertook to insist on the release from Russia of a corresponding number of civilian prisoners of Germans and Austro-Hungarians.

Together with several foreign revolutionaries, a declaration was drawn up. “The Russian internationalists who ... are now going to Russia to serve the cause of the revolution there will help us raise the proletarians of other countries, especially the proletarians of Germany and Austria, against their governments”

This was the protocol signed by Loriot and Guilbaud

From France, by Pavel Levy - from Germany, by Platten

From Switzerland, by the Swedish Left deputies, etc. Under these conditions and with these precautions, 30 Russian emigrants left Switzerland at the end of March, even among the cargoes of the war - a cargo of extraordinary explosive power.

In a farewell letter to the Swiss workers, Lenin recalled the statement of the central organ of the Bolsheviks in the autumn of 1915: if the revolution brought to power in Russia a republican government that wanted to continue the imperialist war, then the Bolsheviks would be against defending the republican fatherland. Now such a situation has come. "Our slogan: no support for the Guchkov-Milyukov government." With these words, Lenin now entered the territory of the revolution.

The members of the Provisional Government, however, saw no reason to be alarmed. Nabokov says: “At one of the March meetings of the Provisional Government, during a break, during an ongoing conversation on the topic of the ever-developing Bolshevik propaganda, Kerensky declared, laughing hysterically as usual: “But wait a minute, Lenin himself is coming, that’s when the real ... ”Kerensky was right: the present was just about to begin. However, the ministers, according to Nabokov, saw no reason to worry: "The very fact of turning to Germany would undermine Lenin's authority to such an extent that he would not have to be feared." As they are generally supposed to, the ministers were very insightful.

Friends-pupils went to meet Lenin in Finland. “As soon as he entered the compartment and sat down on the sofa,” says Raskolnikov, a young naval officer and Bolshevik, “Vladimir Ilyich immediately pounces on Kamenev: “What do you write in Pravda? We saw several numbers and scolded you great ... ”This is the meeting after several years of separation. But that doesn't stop her from being kind.

The Petrograd Committee, with the assistance of the military organization, mobilized several thousand workers and soldiers for a solemn meeting with Lenin. A friendly armored division dispatched all available armored cars to this object. The Committee decided to go to the station together with armored cars: the revolution had already aroused a passion for these stupid monsters, which it is so advantageous to have on the streets of the city on one's side.

The description of the official meeting, which took place in the so-called royal room of the Finland Station, is a very lively page in Sukhanov's many-volume and rather sluggish notes. “Lenin entered or, perhaps, ran into the royal room, in a round hat, with a chilled face and a luxurious bouquet in his hands. Having reached the middle of the room, he stopped in front of Chkheidze, as if he had run into a completely unexpected obstacle. And here Chkheidze, without leaving his former gloomy air, delivered the following “welcome” speech, well bearing not only the spirit, not only the editorial, but also the tone of moralizing: “Comrade Lenin, on behalf of the St. Petersburg Soviet and the entire revolution, we welcome you to Russia ... But we believe that the main task of revolutionary democracy now is to protect our revolution from all encroachments on it, both from within and from outside ... We hope that you will pursue these goals together with us. Chkheidze fell silent. I was taken aback by the surprise... But Lenin, apparently, knew well how to relate to all this. He stood with such a look, as if everything that was happening did not concern him in the least: he looked around, looked at the surrounding faces and even the ceiling of the “royal” room, adjusting his bouquet (rather weakly in harmony with his whole figure), and then, already completely turning away from the delegation of the Executive Committee, he “answered” as follows: “Dear comrades soldiers, sailors and workers. I am happy to greet the victorious Russian revolution in your person, to greet you as the vanguard of the world proletarian army... The hour is not far off when, at the call of our comrade Karl Liebknecht, the peoples will turn their weapons against their capitalist exploiters... The Russian revolution, accomplished by you, opened a new era. Long live the world socialist revolution!

Sukhanov is right - the bouquet did not harmonize well with the figure of Lenin, undoubtedly interfered with him and embarrassed him with its inappropriateness against the harsh background of events. And in general, Lenin did not like flowers in a bouquet. But this official and hypocritically moralistic meeting in the front room of the station should have embarrassed him much more. Chkheidze was better than his welcoming speech. He was a little afraid of Lenin. But he was undoubtedly told that the "sectarian" had to be curbed from the very beginning. To complete Chkheidze's speech, which demonstrated a deplorable level of leadership, the young commander of the naval crew, speaking on behalf of the sailors, guessed to express the wish that Lenin become a member of the Provisional Government. Thus the February Revolution, loose, verbose and still stupid, met a man who came with the firm intention of correcting her thought and will. Even these first impressions, adding tenfold to the anxiety they had brought with them, evoked a feeling of protest that was hard to contain. Better roll up your sleeves! Appealing from Chkheidze to the sailors and workers, from the defense of the fatherland to the international revolution, from the Provisional Government to Liebknecht, Lenin only did a small rehearsal at the station for his entire future policy.

And yet this clumsy revolution immediately and firmly accepted the leader into its bosom. The soldiers demanded that Lenin fit on one of the armored cars, and he had no choice but to fulfill the demand. The coming night gave the procession a special imposingness. With the lights of the rest of the armored cars extinguished, the darkness was cut through by the bright light of the spotlight of the car in which Lenin rode. The beam pulled out from the darkness of the street the excited sectors of workers, soldiers, sailors, those same ones who had made the greatest coup, but had let the power slip between their fingers. The military band fell silent several times along the way to give Lenin the opportunity to vary his station speech to new and new listeners. "The triumph came out brilliant," Sukhanov says, "and even quite symbolic."

In the palace of Kshesinskaya, the Bolshevik headquarters in the satin nest of a court ballerina - this combination was supposed to amuse Lenin's always awake irony - greetings began again. It was already too much. Lenin endured streams of laudatory speeches, like an impatient pedestrian waiting out the rain under random gates. He felt sincere joy at his arrival, but was annoyed why this joy was so verbose. The very tone of official greetings seemed to him imitative, affected, a word borrowed from petty-bourgeois democracy, declamatory, sentimental and false. He saw that the revolution, which had not yet determined its tasks and paths, had already created its tiresome etiquette. He smiled good-naturedly reproachfully, glancing at his watch, and at times he probably yawned unconstrainedly. Before the words of the last greeting had time to resound, the unusual guest fell upon this audience with a waterfall of passionate thought, which too often sounded like scourging. At that time, the art of shorthand was not yet open to Bolshevism. No one took notes, everyone was too caught up in what was going on. The speech was not preserved, only the general impression of it remained in the memories of the listeners, but even it was subjected to processing of time: delight was added, fright was reduced. Meanwhile, the main impression of speech, even among those closest to him, was precisely the impression of fright. All the usual formulas, which had managed to acquire in a month what seemed to be unshakable strength from countless repetitions, exploded one after another before the eyes of the audience. Lenin's brief remark at the railway station, thrown over the head of the dumbfounded Chkheidze, was here developed into a two-hour speech addressed directly to the Petrograd cadres of Bolshevism.

By chance, as a guest, missed by Kamenev's good nature - Lenin did not tolerate such indulgences - the non-party Sukhanov was present at this meeting. Thanks to this, we have a half-hostile, half-enthusiastic description of Lenin's first meeting with the St. Petersburg Bolsheviks, made by an observer from the outside.

“I will not forget this thunderous speech, which shocked and amazed not only me, a heretic who accidentally wandered in, but also all the faithful. I affirm that no one expected anything like this. It seemed that all the elements and the spirit of all destruction rose from their lairs, knowing no barriers, no doubts, no human difficulties, no human calculations, rushing around the Kshesinskaya hall above the heads of the enchanted students.

Human calculations and difficulties for Sukhanov are mainly the hesitations of the editorial circle of Novaya Zhizn over tea with Maxim Gorky. Lenin's calculations were deeper. It was not the elements that rushed around the hall, but the human thought, not shy before the elements and striving to understand them in order to master them. But still, the impression is conveyed vividly.

“When I was driving here with my comrades,” Lenin said, in Sukhanov’s program, “I thought that they would take us straight from the station to Petropavlovka. We are, as we see, very far from this. But let's not lose hope that this will not pass us by yet, that we cannot avoid this. While for others the development of the revolution was tantamount to the strengthening of democracy, for Lenin the immediate prospect led straight to the Peter and Paul Fortress. It seemed like a sinister joke. But Lenin is not was going to joke, and the revolution along with it.

“Agrarian reform in the legislative order,” Sukhanov complains, “he threw aside just like all the other policy of the Soviet. He proclaimed the organized seizure of the land by the peasants, without expecting ... any kind of state power.

“We don’t need a parliamentary republic, we don’t need bourgeois democracy, we don’t need any government, except for the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Laborers’ Deputies!”

At the same time, Lenin sharply fenced himself off from the Soviet majority, throwing it into a hostile camp. “That alone was enough in those days to make the listener dizzy!”

“Only the Zimmerwald Left stands guard over proletarian interests and the world revolution,” Sukhanov indignantly conveys Lenin’s thoughts. “The rest are the same opportunists who speak good words, but in reality ... sell the cause of socialism and the working masses.”

“He resolutely attacked the tactics pursued by the leading party groups and individual comrades before his arrival,” Raskolnikov adds Sukhanova. - The most responsible workers of the party were represented here. But even for them Ilyich's speech was a real revelation. She placed the Rubicon between yesterday's and today's tactics." The Rubicon, as we shall see, was not laid immediately.

There was no debate on the report: everyone was too stunned and everyone wanted to collect their thoughts in some way. “I went out into the street,” Sukhanov finishes, “it felt like I was being beaten on the head with flails that night. Only one thing was clear: no, with Lenin, I, the wild one, are not on the road! Still would!

The next day, Lenin presented to the party a brief written summary of his views, which became one of the most important documents of the revolution under the name of "April 4 Theses". Theses expressed simple thoughts in simple, accessible words. The republic that emerged from the February uprising is not our republic, and the war it is waging is not our war.

The task of the Bolsheviks is to overthrow the imperialist government. But it is supported by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, who are supported by the gullibility of the popular masses. We are in the minority Under these conditions there can be no question of violence on our part. The masses must be taught not to trust the Compromisers and the defencists. "You have to be patient explain." The success of such a policy, stemming from the whole situation, is assured, and it will lead us to the dictatorship of the proletariat, and consequently, will lead us beyond the limits of the bourgeois regime. We break completely with capital, publish its secret treaties and call on the workers of the whole world to break with the bourgeoisie and to abolish the war. We are starting an international revolution. Only its success will consolidate our success and ensure the transition to a socialist regime.

Lenin's theses were published in his own name, and only in his name. The central institutions of the party met them with hostility, which was softened only by bewilderment. No one - neither an organization, nor a group, nor an individual - has attached his signature to them. Even Zinoviev, who had arrived with Lenin from abroad, where his thought had been shaped for ten years under the direct and daily influence of Lenin, silently stepped aside. And this departure was not unexpected for the teacher, who knew his closest student all too well. If Kamenev was a propagandist-popularizer, then Zinoviev was an agitator and even, as Lenin put it, only an agitator. To be a leader, he lacked, above all, a sense of responsibility. But not only this. Deprived of internal discipline, his thought is completely incapable of theoretical work and dissolves in the formless intuition of an agitator. Thanks to an exceptionally sophisticated instinct, he grasped on the fly the formulations he always needed, that is, those that facilitated the most effective influence on the masses. Both as a journalist and as an orator, he invariably remained an agitator, with the difference that in articles it is mainly his weaknesses that appear, while in oral speech his strengths outweigh. Much more daring and unbridled in agitation than any of the Bolsheviks, Zinoviev is even less capable of revolutionary initiative than Kamenev. He is indecisive, like all demagogues. Stepping from the arena of factional skirmishes to the arena of direct mass battles, Zinoviev almost involuntarily separated himself from his teacher.

In recent years there has been no shortage of attempts to prove that the April crisis of the party was a fleeting and almost accidental embarrassment. They all crumble to dust at the first contact with the facts.

The very fact that we know about the activities of the party during March reveals to us the profoundest contradiction between Lenin and the leadership of St. Petersburg. Just at the time of Lenin's arrival, the contradiction reached its highest tension. Simultaneously with the All-Russian Conference of Representatives of 82 Soviets, where Kamenev and Stalin voted for a resolution on power introduced by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, a party conference of Bolsheviks who had come from all over Russia was taking place in Petrograd. In order to characterize the moods and views of the party, or rather, its upper stratum, as it emerged from the war, the conference, at the very end of which Lenin arrived, is of exceptional interest. Reading the protocols, which have not been published to this day, often causes bewilderment: is it possible that the party represented by these delegates will take power with an iron hand in seven months?

A month has passed since the coup - a long time for a revolution, as well as for a war. Meanwhile, the views on the most basic questions of the revolution have not yet been decided in the party. Extreme patriots like Voitinsky, Eliav and others participated in the conference along with those who considered themselves internationalists. The percentage of outspoken patriots, incomparably smaller than that of the Mensheviks, was nevertheless significant. The conference as a whole did not decide for itself the question of whether to split with one's own patriots or to unite with the patriots of Menshevism. Between the sessions of the Bolshevik conference, a joint meeting of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, delegates to the Soviet conference, took place to discuss the question of the war. The most vehement Menshevik patriot, Lieber, declared at this meeting: "The former division into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks should be eliminated and only talk about our attitude towards the war." The Bolshevik Voitinsky was not slow to proclaim his readiness to subscribe to Lieber's every word. All together, Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, patriots and internationalists, were looking for a general formula for their attitude towards the war.

The views of the Bolshevik Conference undoubtedly found the most adequate expression in Stalin's report on the attitude towards the Provisional Government. It is necessary to give here the central idea of ​​the report, which has not yet been published, as well as the protocols as a whole. “Power has been divided between two bodies, neither of which has full power. There is and should be friction and struggle between them. The roles have been shared. The Soviet actually took the initiative of revolutionary transformations; The Soviet is the revolutionary leader of the insurgent people, the body that controls the Provisional Government. The provisional government, on the other hand, took on the actual role of securing the gains of the revolutionary people. The Council mobilizes forces, controls. The Provisional Government, however, stubbornly and entangled, takes on the role of securing the gains of the people, which in fact have already been taken by them. This situation has negative, but also positive aspects: it is not profitable for us now to force events, accelerating the process of pushing away the bourgeois strata, who will inevitably have to move away from us later.

The relationship between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is portrayed by the speaker, who has risen above the classes, as a simple division of labour. The workers and soldiers are making the revolution, Guchkov and Milyukov are "fixing" it. We recognize here the traditional conception of Menshevism, incorrectly copied from the events of 1789. It is precisely the leaders of Menshevism who are characterized by this inspector's approach to the historical process, by issuing orders to different classes and patronizingly criticizing their execution. The idea that it is unprofitable to hasten the retreat of the bourgeoisie from the revolution has always been the highest criterion of the entire policy of the Mensheviks. In practice, this meant: to blunt and weaken the movement of the masses so as not to scare away the liberal allies. Finally, Stalin's conclusion regarding the Provisional Government fits entirely into the ambiguous formula of the Compromisers: “Insofar as the Provisional Government consolidates the steps of the revolution, support for it; since it is counter-revolutionary, support for the Provisional Government is unacceptable.”

Stalin's report was made on March 29. The next day, the official speaker of the Soviet meeting, the non-Party Social Democrat Steklov, in defense of the same conditional support for the Provisional Government, in the heat of enthusiasm, painted the following picture of the activities of the "fixers" of the revolution - resistance to social reforms, craving for the monarchy, patronage of counter-revolutionary forces, annexationist appetites - that the conference of Bolsheviks recoiled in alarm from the formula of support. The right-wing Bolshevik Nogin declared: “... Steklov’s report introduced one new thought: it is clear that not about support, but about opposition must now be discussed." Skrypnik also came to the conclusion that after Steklov's report, “much has changed: it is impossible to talk about support for the government. There is a conspiracy of the Provisional Government against the people and the revolution.” Stalin, who had painted an idyllic picture of the “division of labor” between the government and the Soviet the day before, felt compelled to delete the clause on support. Brief and shallow discussions revolved around the question of whether to support the Provisional Government "in so far as" or only the revolutionary actions of the Provisional Government. The Saratov delegate Vasiliev, not without reason, declared: "Everyone has the same attitude towards the Provisional Government." Krestinsky formulated the position even more vividly: "There are no differences in practical steps between Stalin and Voitinsky." Despite the fact that Voitinsky went over to the Mensheviks immediately after the meeting, Krestinsky was not so wrong: in removing the open mention of support, Stalin did not remove the support itself. Only Krasikov, one of those old Bolsheviks who left the party for a number of years, and now, weighed down by life experience, tried to return to its ranks, tried to raise the question in principle. Krasikov was not afraid to take the bull by the horns. "Are you going to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat?" he asked ironically. But the meeting passed by irony, and at the same time passed the question as not deserving attention. The resolution of the meeting called on the revolutionary democrats to induce the Provisional Government "to the most vigorous struggle for the complete elimination of the old regime," i.e., assigned the proletarian party the role of a governess to the bourgeoisie.

The next day, Tsereteli's proposal to unite the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks was discussed. Stalin reacted to the proposal quite sympathetically: “We must go. It is necessary to define our proposals for the unification line. Unification along the Zimmerwald-Kienthal line is possible. Molotov, who had been removed from editing Pravda by Kamenev and Stalin for taking the paper too radically, objected: Tsereteli wants to unite disparate elements, he himself calls himself a Zimmerwaldist, uniting along this line is wrong. But Stalin stood his ground. “To get ahead of ourselves,” he said, “and one should not forestall disagreements. There is no party life without controversy. Within the party, we will get rid of petty disagreements.” The entire struggle that Lenin had waged during the war years against social patriotism and its pacifist camouflage seemed to go down the drain. In September 1916, Lenin wrote with special insistence to Petrograd through Shlyapnikov: “Conciliation and unity is the most harmful thing for the workers’ party in Russia, not only idiocy, but also the death of the party ... We can rely only on those who understood the whole deception of the idea of ​​unity and all the necessity of a split with this brethren (with Chkheidze and Co.) in Russia. This warning was not understood. Disagreements with Tsereteli, the leader of the ruling Soviet bloc, were declared by Stalin to be minor disagreements that could be “eliminated” within the common party. This criterion gives a better assessment of the then views of Stalin himself.

On April 4, Lenin appears at the party congress. His speech, commenting on the "theses", passes over the conference papers like a teacher's wet sponge, erasing from the blackboard what was written on it by a confused schoolboy.

"Why didn't they take power?" asks Lenin. At a Soviet meeting, Steklov, shortly before, confusedly explained the reasons for abstaining from power - the bourgeois revolution, - the first stage, - the war, etc. “This is nonsense,

Lenin declares The point is that the proletariat is insufficiently conscious and insufficiently organized. This must be admitted. Material power is in the hands of the proletariat, while the bourgeoisie turned out to be conscious and prepared. This is a monstrous fact, but it must be frankly and directly recognized and declared to the people that they did not take power because they were disorganized and unconscious.

From the plane of false objectivism, behind which the political capitulators hid, Lenin moved the whole question to the subjective plane. The proletariat did not take power in February because the Bolshevik Party was not up to the mark of objective tasks and was unable to prevent the Compromisers from politically expropriating the popular masses in favor of the bourgeoisie.

The day before, lawyer Krasikov said defiantly: “If we believe that now the time has come for the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, then this is how the question should be raised. Physical strength, in the sense of seizing power, is undoubtedly with us.” The chairman then took Krasikov out of the floor on the grounds that it was a matter of practical problems and the question of dictatorship was not being discussed. But Lenin believed that the only practical task was precisely the question of preparing the dictatorship of the proletariat. “The peculiarity of the current situation in Russia,” he said in his theses, “consists in the transition from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie due to the insufficient consciousness and organization of the proletariat, to its second stage, which should give power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasantry” .

The conference, following Pravda, limited the tasks of the revolution to democratic reforms carried out through the Constituent Assembly. In opposition to this, Lenin declared: “Life and revolution take the Constituent Assembly into the background. There is a dictatorship of the proletariat, but they don’t know what to do with it.”

The delegates looked at each other. They told each other that Ilyich stayed too long abroad, did not take a closer look, did not understand. But Stalin's report on the wise division of labor between the government and the Soviet was immediately and forever drowned in the irretrievable past. Stalin himself was silent. From now on, he will have to be silent for a long time. Only Kamenev will defend.

Even from Geneva, Lenin warned in letters that he was ready to break with anyone who made concessions on questions of war, chauvinism and compromise with the bourgeoisie. Now, face to face with the leadership layer of the party, he opens the attack along the entire line. But at first he does not name any of the Bolsheviks. If he needs a living example of falseness, half-heartedness, he points his finger at non-Party people, Steklov or Chkheidze. This is Lenin's usual trick: do not prematurely nail anyone to his position in order to enable the cautious to withdraw from the battle in time and in this way immediately weaken future open opponents. Kamenev and Stalin believed that by participating in the war after February, the soldiers and workers were defending the revolution. Lenin believes that the soldier and the worker are still participating in the war as forced slaves of capital. “Even our Bolsheviks,” he says, narrowing circles over his opponents, “display gullibility towards the government. This can only be explained by the frenzy of the revolution. This is the death of socialism ... If so, we are not on the way. I'd rather be in the minority." This is not just a rhetorical threat. This is a clear and well-thought-out path.

Without naming either Kamenev or Stalin, Lenin is forced, however, to name the newspaper: Pravda demands from the government that it renounce annexations. To demand from the government of the capitalists that it renounce annexations is nonsense, a blatant mockery...” Repressed indignation erupts here on a high note. But the speaker immediately pulls himself together: he wants to say no less than what is needed, but nothing more. In passing, casually, Lenin gives the incomparable rules of revolutionary politics: “When the masses declare that they do not want conquests, I believe them. When Guchkov and Lvov say they don't want conquests, they are deceivers. When a worker says that he wants the defense of the country, the instinct of an oppressed person speaks in him. This criterion, if called by its name, seems as simple as life itself. But the difficulty lies in the fact that in time to call him by name.

Regarding the appeal of the Soviet "To the peoples of the whole world", which gave rise to the liberal "Rech" at one time to declare that the theme of pacifism is developing in our country into an ideology common with our allies, Lenin expressed himself more precisely and vividly: "What is peculiar in Russia is - a gigantic rapid transition from wild violence to the most subtle deceit.

“This appeal,” Stalin wrote about the manifesto, “if it reaches the broad masses (of the West), without a doubt, will return hundreds and thousands of workers to the forgotten slogan “Proletarians of all countries, unite!”.

“The Appeal of the Soviet,” objected Lenin, “there is not a single word imbued with class consciousness. There - solid phrases. The document, which the home-grown Zimmerwalders were proud of, is in Lenin's eyes only one of the tools of "the most subtle deception."

Prior to Lenin's arrival, Pravda did not mention the Zimmerwald Left at all. Speaking of the International, I did not indicate which one. This is what Lenin called the "Kautskyism" of Pravda. “In Zimmerwald and Kienthal,” he declared at a party meeting, “the center has gained predominance ... We declare that we have formed a left and broke with the center ... The left Zimmerwald trend exists in all countries of the world. The masses must understand that socialism has split all over the world…”.

Three days earlier Stalin had proclaimed at this very conference his readiness to get rid of differences with Tsereteli on the basis of Zimmerwald-Kienthal, that is, on the basis of Kautskyism. “I hear that a unifying trend is going on in Russia,” Lenin said, “unification with the defencists is a betrayal of socialism. I think it's better to be alone, like Liebknecht. One against 110!” The accusation of betrayal of socialism, as yet unnamed, is not just a strong word here: it fully expresses Lenin's attitude towards those Bolsheviks who hold out a finger to the social patriots. In contrast to Stalin, who considers it possible to unite with the Mensheviks, Lenin considers it inadmissible to continue to bear the common name of Social Democracy with them. “On my own behalf,” he says, “I propose to change the name of the party, to be called Communist Party".“Personally on my own” means that no one, not one of the participants in the meeting agreed to this symbolic gesture of a final break with the Second International.

"Are you afraid to change old memories?"

The speaker speaks to embarrassed, perplexed, somewhat indignant delegates. But the time has come to "change clothes - you need to take off your dirty shirt and put on a clean one." And he insists again: “Do not cling to the old word, which is rotten to the core. If you want to build a new party... and all the oppressed will come to you.”

Before the immensity of tasks still uncompleted, before the ideological turmoil in one's own ranks, the sharp thought of precious time, senselessly wasted on meetings, greetings, ritual resolutions, utters a cry from the speaker: work!"

An hour later, Lenin was forced to repeat his speech at a pre-arranged general meeting of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, where it seemed to most of the listeners something between mockery and delirium. The more condescending shrugged their shoulders. This man has clearly fallen from the moon: after barely descending, after a ten-year absence, from the steps of the Finland Station, he preaches the seizure of power by the proletariat. The less good-natured of the patriots mentioned the sealed carriage. Stankevich testifies that Lenin's speech made his opponents very happy: “A person who speaks such nonsense is not dangerous. It’s good that he came, now he is all in sight ... now he refutes himself ”

And meanwhile, with all the audacity of the revolutionary seizure, with the inflexible determination to break even with old like-minded people and comrades-in-arms, if they are incapable of keeping pace with the revolution, Lenin’s speech, where all the parts are balanced among themselves, is imbued with deep realism and an unmistakable sense of the masses. But precisely therefore, it must have seemed fantastic to surface-sliding Democrats.

The Bolsheviks are a small minority in the soviets, and Lenin is plotting to seize power. Isn't this adventurous? There was not a hint of adventurism in Lenin's formulation of the question. Not for a moment does he close his eyes to the existence of an "honest" defencist mood among the broad masses. Not dissolving in them, he is not going to act behind their backs. “We are not charlatans,” he throws towards future objections and accusations, “we must be based only on the consciousness of the masses. Not to be afraid to remain in the minority, even alone, like Liebknecht against 110 - such is the leitmotif of the speech.

“The real government is the Council of Workers' Deputies, comrade. In the Soviet, our party is in the minority... There's nothing to be done! It only remains for us to explain, patiently, persistently, systematically, the fallacy of their tactics. While we are in the minority, we are doing the work of criticism in order to save the masses from deceit. We do not want the masses to take our word for it. We are not charlatans. We want the masses to get rid of their mistakes by experience. Don't be afraid to be in the minority! Not forever, but temporarily. The hour of Bolshevism will strike “Our line will turn out to be correct... Every oppressed person will come to us, because the war will bring him to us. He has no other choice."

“At the unification meeting,” says Sukhanov, “Lenin was the living embodiment of the split ... I remember Bogdanov (a prominent Menshevik) who was sitting a stone's throw from the oratory. After all, this is nonsense, he interrupted Lenin, this is the nonsense of a madman! .. It is a shame to applaud this nonsense, he shouted, turning to the audience, pale with anger and contempt, you disgrace yourself! Marxists!

The former member of the Bolshevik Central Committee, Goldenberg, who at that time was outside the party, assessed Lenin's theses in the debate with the following devastating words: "For many years, Bakunin's place in the Russian revolution remained unoccupied, now it is occupied by the Lenins.

“His program was then met not so much with indignation,” the Socialist-Revolutionary Zenzinov later recalled, “but with ridicule, it seemed so ridiculous and invented to everyone.”

On the evening of that day, in a conversation between two socialists and Milyukov, on the eve of the contact commission, the conversation turned to Lenin. Skobelev assessed him as "a completely inveterate person, standing outside the movement." Sukhanov joined Skobelev's assessment and added that Lenin "is unacceptable to anyone to such an extent that he is now absolutely not dangerous for my interlocutor Milyukov." The distribution of roles in this conversation turned out, however, completely according to Lenin: the socialists guarded the liberal's calmness from the worries that Bolshevism could cause him.

Even the British ambassador heard rumors that Lenin had been deemed a bad Marxist. “Among the newly arrived anarchists…,” Buchanan wrote, “was Lenin, who arrived in a sealed carriage from Germany. He appeared publicly for the first time at a meeting of the Social Democratic Party and was poorly received.

Perhaps Kerensky was more condescending towards Lenin in those days, unexpectedly declaring among the members of the Provisional Government that he wanted to visit Lenin, and explaining in response to puzzled questions: “After all, he lives in a completely isolated atmosphere, he knows nothing, sees everything through the glasses of his fanaticism, there is no one around him who would help him in any way to navigate what is happening. Such is the testimony of Nabokov. But Kerensky never found free time to guide Lenin in what was going on.

Lenin's April theses not only aroused the astonished indignation of enemies and opponents. They pushed a number of old Bolsheviks into the camp of Menshevism or into the intermediate group that huddled around Gorky's newspaper. This leak had no serious political significance. Immeasurably more important is the impression that Lenin's position made on the entire leading stratum of the Party. “In the first days after his arrival,” writes Sukhanov, “his complete isolation among all conscious party comrades is not subject to the slightest doubt.” “Even his party comrades, the Bolsheviks,” the Socialist-Revolutionary Zenzinov confirms, “then turned away from him in embarrassment.” The authors of these reviews met with the leading Bolsheviks daily in the Executive Committee and had first-hand information.

But there is no shortage of similar evidence from the Bolshevik ranks. “When Lenin’s theses appeared,” Tsikhon later recalled, extremely softening the colors, like most of the old Bolsheviks who stumbled on the February Revolution, “some hesitation was felt in our party, many of the comrades pointed out that Lenin had a syndicalist bias, that he had broken away from Russia , does not take into account the given moment, etc.” One of the prominent Bolshevik figures in the provinces, Lebedev, writes: “After Lenin’s arrival in Russia, his agitation, initially not entirely clear even to us Bolsheviks, seemed utopian, due to his long isolation from Russian life, was gradually accepted by us and entered, one might say into flesh and blood." Zalezhsky, a member of the Petrograd Committee and one of the organizers of the meeting, puts it more bluntly: "Lenin's theses gave the impression of a bombshell." Zalezhsky fully confirms the complete isolation of Lenin after such a heated and impressive meeting "On that day (April 4), Comrade Lenin did not find open supporters even in our ranks."

Even more important, however, is the testimony of Pravda. On April 8, four days after the theses were announced, when it was already possible to fully explain and understand each other, the editors of Pravda wrote: “As for the general scheme of Comrade Lenin, it seems to us unacceptable, since it comes from the recognition of bourgeois completed democratic revolution and counts on the immediate transformation of this revolution into a socialist revolution. Thus, the central organ of the party declared openly, in the face of the working class and its enemies, its disagreement with the universally recognized leader of the party on the fundamental question of the revolution, for which the Bolshevik cadres had been preparing for a long series of years. This alone is enough to appreciate the full depth of the April crisis of the party which grew out of the clash of two irreconcilable lines Without overcoming this crisis, the revolution could not move forward

We left for the printing house when the Executive Committee had probably already left for the Naval Corps. But, in the first place, what is the cost of an insignificant hook for a car? Secondly, after all, in a tram, or in a cab, or on foot, it will obviously take even longer, even without a detour. Thirdly, meetings never open on time, and it is safe to be a few minutes late. All this was completely irrefutable. We went.
In the printing house, of course, there were neither collected Izvestia, nor those who could collect them. We climbed the floors, searched, asked for help. When we found what we needed, it only remained to find those who had the right to give it to us, and then take care of carrying several piles into the car ... The driver met us with indignation. He himself wanted to get to the meeting and was late because of us. Grumbling and not heeding any reason, he started the car. But the car didn't move...
We were clearly late, we had already missed all the grace periods. The overcrowded hall, seeing the whole Executive Committee and Chairman Chkheidze on the stage, for some reason not opening meetings, undoubtedly began to get agitated a long time ago. We had to start ... But our car did not go. And it was not known whether she would go and when exactly. But one had to hope that this would happen every second, and wait, biting one's lips, trying not to delve into the completely supernatural stupidity of one's situation, so as not to die of rabies, of a broken heart, of insanity.
The car, as if breaking free from its chain, suddenly violently jumped over the potholes, scattering gray snow and letting dirty fountains out of the puddles. We jumped out onto the Nevsky, but stopped again and three times changed from a frantic gallop to stops for several minutes, or maybe hours, or weeks ... I was already stiff and indifferent to everything ... Maybe I showed exceptionally criminal frivolity. Maybe I should have given up all this a long time ago and raced in a cab. Don't know.
In any case, when we drove up to the Naval Corps, it was eight o'clock. When, having met no one on the stairs and in the corridors, I burst into the hall, Steklov had already reached half of the report. I made my way onto the stage ... Steklov spoke of the counter-revolution, of the rebellious generals at Headquarters, of the merciless trial of them, brought in chains, that these generals are outlawed and anyone can kill them before ... etc. Then he spoke of the Constituent Assembly, of the French constitution, of secret diplomacy, of the imperialist origin of the war, of his conversations in German captivity. All this did not seem to me necessary centers for the first peaceful action of the revolution. Doubt took over.
I made my way to Chairman Chkheidze and asked:
"Tell me, is Steklov making my report on international politics and ending it with a proposal for a manifesto?"
Chkheidze rushed at me with a dressing down:
- Well, yes, because we waited as long as possible. He had to speak impromptu ... You can’t treat it like that ...
But, seeing the despair imprinted on my whole figure, he fell silent and caught up with me at the end of the stage:
– Do you want to have a word after it now?
But I waved my hand and insisted that the manifesto should be adopted without debate at all. It seemed to me that if the debate did not spoil the situation, it would violate the solemnity of the moment. Meanwhile, the moment was really solemn. It was not for nothing that an orchestra was quietly placed in the choirs ... Of course, it was impossible to agree and negotiate in such a meeting, and random speeches from God knows where the speakers who came from could only spoil the mood. Chkheidze agreed.
Steklov somehow read the manifesto from a poorly written copy. His mistakes and stumbles cut me to the heart. It seemed to me that from this whole affair with the manifesto, absolutely nothing would come of it, except for boredom and misunderstanding ... The debate, however, began under the guise of amendments. Officers and some venerable gentlemen unknown in the Soviet, in small remarks, declared whether such a call of ours would not be naivety and a beautiful-hearted dream, and even worse, whether it would not be a source of weakening of the front, whether it would threaten the revolution ... It was already out of hand. Chkheidze himself took the floor and then voted for the end of the debate.
Tikhonov called me:
- An amendment needs to be made. Why is there nothing about a world without annexations and indemnities? You need to enter this formula in the manifest ...
I do not know why this formula was not there, why I and others have bypassed it so far. Maybe it would be needed in the manifest. But now I was indifferent to everything.
The manifesto was adopted, it seems, still unanimously. Krasikov, a member of the Executive Committee, announced it once more—barely audible and already quite in warehouses... The Internationale thundered, then the Marseillaise, they shouted "Hurrah!" I cannot say whether there was a real uplift, inspiration, consciousness of the significance of the accomplished act.
It seemed to me that everything that happened was wedding songs at the funeral ... Friends spoke to me, shared their impressions. I almost did not answer ... Steklov turned to me with a reproach that I forced him to speak suddenly, without any preparation. I don't think I gave him real trouble after all.
I can't say the same about myself. I have never had the inclination to speak in the plenary sessions of the Council or congresses. In any case, I never looked for them and often avoided them. But this time, everything that happened on the significant day of March 14 upset me for several hours. And for a long time, remembering all this, I could not get rid of a feeling of acute annoyance.

Chkheidze, speaking at the meeting on March 14, wanted to cut the malignant knot tied up by the martinet speeches on the right. Chkheidze correctly understood his duty, but how did he fulfill it?.. When, making a “diplomatic approach” to the masses standing in front of him, he said that the anointed Wilhelm must be anointed, he was, of course, right - and in the matter of “approach”, and essentially.
But Chkheidze, both in his "diplomacy" and in his "comments" on the manifesto, went much further. We need to carefully read what he said at this meeting. He said: “We want peace, but with whom? When we address the German and Austrian people, we are not talking about those who pushed us to war, but about the people. And we tell the people that we want to start peace talks. But for this, we say, one condition will be necessary, without which we will not find a common language: do the same as we did - remove Wilhelm and his clique ... Before talking about the world, take the trouble to be a little like us. Until now, we have learned from you, now if you don’t want us to imitate - remove Wilhelm. Until then, what are we going to do? We make an offer with a rifle in our hands. We have a victorious revolution, and we will fight for it with weapons in our hands... Here, comrades, is what the document says.”
Chkheidze was in a difficult position and could not answer for every word. But it's still clear: his comments on the manifesto were completely illegal. They had nothing to do with the manifest itself. Of course, there was not and could not be any talk of any preconditions for our internal struggle for peace in the manifesto. Of such conditions as the preliminary revolution in Germany, even more so. Meanwhile, this distorted all the prospects and all the "lines" of Soviet policy. Chkheidze's comments were not only illegal. They were extremely harmful.
In the struggle that had begun against the imperialist bourgeoisie, Chkheidze, who was followed by numerically strong Soviet groups, took the line of least resistance, leading straight into the swamp of hopeless opportunism and capitulation. In order to attract the army to itself, so as not to separate from the army, a principle was given to it and the bourgeoisie - the principle of Zimmerwald.
No, we do not need such an army and such a victory over the bourgeoisie. We must win the fight for an army on our soil. We must win in the fight for peace, for Zimmerwald... And it was clear that in order to win the Soviet in this fight against the bourgeoisie, things in the Soviet itself must be put in order immediately. We must reinforce the Council in the Zimmerwald positions.
It's not easy. The Executive Committee is already saturated with petty-bourgeois elements. They are scattered, but stubborn. They do not have leaders, but they catch the slogans of the "big press" well and agree well with the masses ... A strong core, a stable majority against them is not easy, but it is possible to create in the Executive Committee. It needs to be created. We need to mobilize...

5. Before the battle

Arrival of Larin and Uritsky. - The world by telegraph. - Kamenev. - Bolsheviks and Kamenev. - Kamenev and Pravda. - The fate of the manifesto on March 14th. - Perplexed Europe. - In Germany, the chancellor, Scheidemann, leftists. - Alternative. - Allies. - Fright. - Censorship. The Council has broken with pacifism. – Parliamentary delegation to Russia. - Speeches of Mr. Ribot. “When will the Soviet be dispersed with bayonets?” - In the Executive Committee. – New elements. - Mamluks. - Intelligent defenders. - Liber. - Stalin. - Bourgeois comments on Chkheidze's comments. - Zimmerwald block. - Peace Resolution. - The first front of the revolution. - Food, grain monopoly, regulation of industry. - The second front of the revolution. - Tereshchenko. - Uritsky honors Tsereteli. - Walkers and petitioners. - Alexandrovich "allows". - Peshekhonov and land committees. - Agrarian reform. - The third front of the revolution. - Adventures of Kerensky. - The trial of the "Bonaparte". - Siberian Zimmerwalders Gots, Voitinsky, Tsereteli.

On the morning of March 15, the members of the Executive Committee, having come to the meeting, found a long, rather strange-looking figure sleeping on the table in their room. Upon closer examination, the figure turned out to be Yu. Larin (M. A. Lurie), who arrived at night from Stockholm and spent the night in the Executive Committee for lack of another shelter ... (This figure is quite famous in the revolution.)
First, a right-wing Menshevik-liquidator, then, during the war, a left-wing internationalist and at the same time the author of interesting, instructive and well-known correspondence in Russkiye Vedomosti about the internal life of warring Germany, and later, in the Bolshevik era, an inexhaustible decree-giver, the economic Muir and Merilize , a dashing cavalryman who knows no obstacles in the leap of his imagination, a cruel experimenter, a specialist in all branches of government, an amateur in all his specialties, a central crisis, a head collapse, a gifted and very nice person.
Before his arrival in March, I had never met him. But he maintained a rather intensive written relationship with him. The rare book of the Sovremennik, and then the Chronicle, did without Larin. And in my editorial practice, I did not know a more convenient employee (leaving aside his other virtues). From him, probably, whole bundles of manuscripts came every week - as many as the magazine obviously could not absorb, even two magazines. My God, what did I do with these manuscripts! I made two, three, four out of one; out of two, three, four he made one; I inserted the torn-out middle of one between the beginning of the other and the end of the third. No author would allow himself to be treated like this. But Larin either radically forgot that he wrote in the piles of manuscripts he sent, or out of extraordinary complacency ignored my vivisections, caused by the most diverse circumstances. And besides, Larin ... never demanded a fee himself and dutifully awaited the initiative of the editors. For a beggar, who was barely eking out his days as a Sovremennik, such properties in an exceptionally chain employee were the richest treasure ...
Larin came from Stockholm, and, thanks to Mr. Milyukov’s special courtesy towards his compatriot émigrés under protection, he was arrested at the border, having spent half a day in the gendarmerie’s room on the occasion of “faulty documents” ...
Another emigrant came with Larin, a small, clean-shaven man who pecked his nose surprisingly sharply in different directions when walking. It was Uritsky, also a future eminent leader of Bolshevism. He also occasionally contributed to Sovremennik and Chronicle. His correspondence from the Scandinavian countries, written from an internationalist point of view, was, of course, useful and interesting for people of "our circle" in Russia. But upon personal acquaintance, Uritsky did not give the impression of a man grabbing stars from the sky, and ... did not dispose to personal acquaintance.
That same morning, after talking with some of his old party comrades, the Mensheviks, Larin was not slow in creating a sensation. He demanded an immediate conclusion of peace and a corresponding proposal from Germany on behalf of the Council - by telegraph ... This was Larin's usual cavalry excess, which was laughed at in the Executive Committee and which Larin forgot about two days later.
But a characteristic circumstance must be noted. All the emigrants who arrived were much more radical than us in terms of foreign policy and the struggle for peace. Even two months later, Martov, who arrived, found my “two-pronged” position on the cause of peace, the foundations of which were outlined above in connection with the manifesto of March 14, to be too right and compromise. This circumstance is quite understandable. Cut off from our real soil, facing neither the specific needs of our current policy, nor its specific difficulties, stewing and thinking exclusively in the sphere of international relations, the principles of internationalism, the struggle for peace, our internationalist émigrés were precisely for this reason prone to excessive forced and straightforward foreign policy of democracy. However, on Russian soil, they rather quickly oriented themselves in a specific situation and assimilated with their St. Petersburg brethren.
Lenin was no exception: he, however, did not assimilate with the Russian Bolsheviks, but assimilated them with himself - in his common new concept that broke with Marxism. But in the field of military and foreign policy, Lenin learned a lot on Russian soil and adapted himself perfectly in his approaches to the soldier. More on this later.
The first "big socialist" newspaper, the Socialist-Revolutionary Delo Naroda, came out on March 15. Sluggish, flabby, with a discordant editorial board, it headed for Kerensky and even demonstrated its "neutrality" between the Tauride and Mariinsky palaces ... Our "New Life", the organ of the "chroniclers", was preparing at full speed, but had not yet had time to mobilize. I'll tell you about it later... At the moment, for me, at any rate, there was no suitable and accessible press organ. "News"? But they were not only stupid. Extremely undesirable notes on foreign policy began to slip through them: it was not for nothing that Rech took up the habit of reproaching Rabochaya Gazeta for their good manners.
After some clash with the Rights in the Executive Committee, I half-jokingly told Shlyapnikov that I had to write an article for Pravda.
“Well,” answered Shlyapnikov, “I will offer my people.
And the next day he told me:
- Our people say: let him write, but only let him first declare that he is on the point of view of the Bolsheviks.
We joked and parted ways.
Pravda, which expressed the point of view of the Bolsheviks, was at that time a chaotic organ of very dubious politicians and writers. Her frantic articles, her game of unbridling instincts had neither definite objects nor clear goals. There was no "line" at all, but only a pogrom uniform. It was impossible to cooperate in this newspaper. In an extreme case, when there was absolutely nowhere to go, it was possible to ask for a one-time “hospitality” and “publicity”.
Two days after my conversation with Shlyapnikov, on the 15th or 16th, I was summoned from the Executive Committee and told: Kamenev is waiting for me in the Catherine Hall and wants to talk to me ... Kamenev arrived already three days ago, but did not show himself in the Soviet spheres , but stayed and put things in order in his party organizations.
I met Kamenev in passing back in Paris in 1902-1903, where I went immediately after graduating from the gymnasium - "to see people, to show myself"; Kamenev was there in the rank of an injured student. Then he flashed past me like a meteor when I was firmly seated in Taganka in 1904-1905. But I knew him by his “nee” surname, and only during the war did I conclude from certain signs that this was Kamenev, who over the years had become a famous pillar of Bolshevism. When I went out into the Catherine's hall, I really saw an old acquaintance.
Kamenev did not contribute to Sovremennik from abroad, but he wrote to Chronicle from Siberia, from exile, from where he has now arrived. His writings were generally not distinguished by great originality, or deep study, or literary brilliance, but were always intelligent, well executed, based on good general training, and interesting in essence. As a political figure, we will meet with Kamenev continuously throughout the revolution, at least until the day when I write these lines, and he, as a representative of the highest authority, is again looking for ways to alleviate the food troubles and "hold out until the new harvest" of 1919 .
As a political figure, Kamenev is undoubtedly an outstanding figure, although not an independent one. Never having sharp corners, no striking points of thought, fighting ideas, new words, he alone is not fit to be a leader: he alone has nowhere to lead the masses. Left alone, he will certainly assimilate with someone. He himself must always be taken in tow, and if he sometimes rests, then not much. But as an element of the leading group, Kamenev, with his political school, with his oratory, is a very outstanding figure, and among the Bolsheviks in many respects an indispensable figure...
On the other hand, by his personal nature, Kamenev is a gentle and good-natured person. And from all this, taken together, his role in the Bolshevik Party is composed.
He always stood on its right, conciliatory, passive wing. And sometimes he fought back, defending "evolutionary methods" or a moderate political course. He fought against Lenin at the beginning of the revolution, he fought against the October uprising, he fought against the general rout and terror after the uprising, he fought against food matters in the second year of Bolshevik power. But he always passed on all counts. And, having little confidence in himself, in order to justify himself in his own eyes, he once said to me (in the autumn of 1918):
- And the further I go, the more I am convinced that Ilyich is never mistaken. In the end, he is always right... How many times it seemed that he failed - in the forecast or in the political course, and always in the end both his forecast and his course were justified.
As a moderate politician and gentle man, Kamenev has undoubtedly always been and still is in opposition to terror, naked Jacobinism, violence, and the suppression of elementary freedom. But as such, Kamenev, calling himself a load, dutifully climbs into the back and obviously cannot do anything with the position, which obliges, which binds and forces to throw seemingly completely unbelievable phrases.
“Nothing,” Kamenev once said in response to my accusations of cowardice and violence during the unprecedented liquidation of the entire press, “nothing, let us work in peace! ..
But if we leave aside the assessment of such a position of the former Social Democrat, then I still cannot believe that Kamenev, as such, really believed in the ultimate power of such methods, and in the proper final results of the "calm work" of his party ... They called him a gruzdem, opened the body in front of him - you have to climb and behave as circumstances require.
With Kamenev, I repeat, we will have to constantly meet - both in this and in subsequent books.
That was what Kamenev wanted to talk to me then, on March 15 or 16.
- As for the article in Pravda ... Then our people told you that you must first declare yourself a Bolshevik. It's nonsense, don't pay attention. And please write an article... And I'll tell you straight out what's the matter. Do you read Pravda? You see - she has a completely indecent tone and, in general, some kind of inappropriate spirit. And her reputation is very bad. And in our working circles they are very dissatisfied ... I arrived - I fell into despair. What to do? I even thought of completely closing this Pravda and releasing a new central organ under a different name. But this is impossible. In our party too much is connected with the name of Pravda. The name must remain... It is only necessary to rebuild the newspaper in a new way. So now I'm trying to attract employees or at least acquire a few articles by authors with decent weight and reputation. Write...
All this was interesting. I began to question Kamenev what was being done in general and where the “line” was being determined in his party circles. What does Lenin think and write?.. We walked for a long time around the Catherine Hall, and Kamenev tried to convince me for a long time that his party was taking or was ready to take the most (in my opinion) "reasonable" position. This position, he said, is very close to that of the Soviet Zimmerwald center, if not identical with it. Lenin? Lenin considers that the revolution has hitherto been carried out quite naturally, that bourgeois power is now historically necessary and that it could not have been otherwise after the revolution.
- So, now you are not yet overthrowing the qualified government and are not in favor of immediate democratic power? - I asked my interlocutor, who opened up important prospects for me.
– Neither we here, nor Lenin there do not stand on such a point of view. Lenin writes that now the next task is to organize and mobilize forces.
– What do you think about the current foreign policy? How about immediate peace?
“You know that this is not the question for us. Bolshevism has always maintained that only a world proletarian revolution can end a world war... And as long as it does not exist, as long as Russia continues the war, we will be against disorganization and for supporting the front. From this it follows that we can say per and what against Soviet manifesto "To the peoples of the whole world" ...
At this point it seemed to me that Kamenev's practical line might not be leaning somewhat to the right?... I, in turn, set out to him my own considerations and told him in detail about the state of affairs in the Soviet and in the Executive Committee. I said that so far things had gone well thanks to the hegemony of the tight-knit Zimmerwald center. But right now, at the critical moment of the advance of the censers and the struggle for real power, we are being numerically suppressed in the Executive Committee by the philistine, petty-bourgeois elements, who are following the lead of the bourgeoisie on the main question - the war. I told him that for several days now, among several members of the Executive Committee, who are close to me in terms of views, the idea of ​​uniting all anti-defense elements, of creating a left Zimmerwald bloc, has been wandering. I said that the previous conversation gives me very high hopes in this respect.
Kamenev joined in everything. The prospects were indeed encouraging. A close-knit left bloc had every chance of leading a flabby mass of “populist”-minded soldiers and soft-bodied intellectuals. The ongoing struggle under such conditions must be won. We must get down to business.
Kamenev did not really close Pravda, but rebuilt it in a new way. The newspaper instantly became unrecognizable. The surrounding "big press" was amazed and would certainly have scattered in compliments, if it had not kept the consciousness that, in the end, nothing good could come from Nazareth. At least Russkoye Slovo (of March 16), from which I quote the following, could scarcely contain his greatest pleasure at the revolution.
“The war is going on,” wrote the new Pravda, “the great Russian revolution has not interrupted it, and no one has hopes that it will end tomorrow or the day after tomorrow ... The war will continue, because the German army has not yet followed the Russian example and still obeys its emperor, greedily seeking prey on the killing fields. When an army stands against an army, for one of them to go home - that would be a policy not of peace, but of slavery, a policy that the free Russian people will indignantly reject. No, he will steadfastly stand at his post, answer a bullet with a bullet and a shell with a shell ... We must not allow any disorganization of the military forces of the revolution. Not disorganization, not the meaningless word "down with the war" is our slogan; our slogan is pressure on the Provisional Government with the aim of compelling it to openly come forward immediately before the entire world democracy with an attempt to persuade all the belligerents to immediately open negotiations on ways to end the world war. Until then, everyone must remain at his post ... "
Everything is correct - at first it is somewhat doubtful, with a roll to the right. And in these days, Kamenev generally sinned by bending the stick to the right. I reproached him for his tendency to "defencism". These days the Rabochaya Gazeta, maintaining its excellent course, moved more to the left. But it wasn't long. No one, of course, had any idea about the right-wing danger from Bolshevism. It was a curious twist. But soon, soon "we will change all that."
The 14 March manifesto had good press from the left. They attached great importance to it, saw in it a significant step, a serious factor in the European movement for peace. The right-wing democratic press also welcomed the manifesto, but showed its skepticism and pointed to the chauvinism of the German Social Democracy. The bourgeois newspapers simply tried to hush up the manifesto or, not knowing what to say, favorably noted its "defencist" slogans...

, under the heading "Historical calendar", we started a new project dedicated to the approaching 100th anniversary of the 1917 revolution. The project, which we have named "The Grave Diggers of the Russian Tsardom", is dedicated to the perpetrators of the collapse of the autocratic monarchy in Russia - professional revolutionaries, opposing aristocrats, liberal politicians; generals, officers and soldiers who have forgotten their duty, as well as other active figures of the so-called. "liberation movement", wittingly or unwittingly contributed to the triumph of the revolution - first the February, and then the October. The section continues with an essay dedicated to N.S. Chkheidze - one of the leaders of the Mensheviks, who earned the nickname "daddy of the revolution" from his fellow party members.

Nikolai (Carlo) Semyonovich Chkheidze was born on March 9, 1864 into a noble Georgian family in the village of Puti, which was then part of the Kutaisi province. After graduating from the Kutaisi gymnasium (1882), in 1887 he entered the Novorossiysk University as a volunteer, from where he was expelled for participating in student unrest. Then exactly the same story was repeated with the Kharkov Veterinary Institute, from where Chkheidze, who participated in the riots, was expelled in 1888. The young rebel managed to get a higher education only abroad - at the Austrian Mining Academy.

Since 1892, 28-year-old Nikolai became one of the founders of the Mesame-dasi (Third Group) group, the first Social Democratic organization in Transcaucasia, and 6 years later, in 1898, together with the whole group, he joined the newly created the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) and began to publish the Marxist magazine Kvali. Chkheidze belonged to the moderate wing of the Russian Social Democracy, criticizing the radicalism of some of his party members, so when the party split into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks at the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP (1903), he did not hesitate to support the Menshevik wing. According to Chkheidze, the Bolsheviks were not so much Marxists as Blanquists, followers of the Jacobin dictatorship, which was unacceptable to him personally. Soon Chkheidze became one of the most famous and authoritative social democrats in Georgia. “The local Caucasians say that the chosen Chkheidze is the most educated Marxist in the Caucasus”, - noted the leader of the Mensheviks Yu.O. Martov in a letter to P.B. Axelrod. And it really was. In the late 1890s he was the first to translate the Manifesto of the Communist Party into Georgian. On the eve of the revolution of 1905, Chkheidze worked as an inspector of the municipal hospital, was a member of the Batumi City Duma and a member of the City Council.

When the First Russian Revolution broke out, Chkheidze became one of its active participants. But at the same time, the Georgian Social Democrat categorically opposed the tactics of the extreme left, which reduced the fight against the monarchy exclusively to illegal methods. In his opinion, the interests of social democracy required extensive propaganda of Marxism in various social strata and, above all, among the intelligentsia - doctors, teachers, as well as among officials and small entrepreneurs, in whom Chkheidze saw, though temporary, but Marxist fellow travelers for a while. struggle against the tsarist autocracy. Chkheidze also condemned the terror directed against the authorities. But the reason for the negative attitude towards terrorist activities of the left lay not so much in the rejection of political assassinations as such, but in the fact that they repelled less radical sections of society (for example, the democratic intelligentsia) from the movement and, thereby, weakened it. In addition, Chkheidze, who preferred legal methods of struggle to illegal ones, was convinced that it would be possible to prove the advantage of socialism (and thus attract the sympathy of the broad masses to it) only if its capabilities could be demonstrated in practice, but at the same time without any violence.

After the defeat of the revolution, the Menshevik Chkheidze came to the conclusion that the main task of the party should be legal work in the legislative body of the Empire - the State Duma, since it was through parliament that it would be possible to widely propagate their ideas. Focusing his activity in this direction, in 1907 Chkheidze, having received the support of both the Georgian left and part of the Caucasian liberals (including Armenians), was elected a deputy of the III State Duma. Having become one of the most prominent leaders of the Social Democratic faction, Chkheidze repeatedly spoke from the Duma chair with opposition speeches. As the modern researcher I.L. Arkhipov, Chkheidze's political style was as follows: “to use any item on the agenda for peremptory criticism of the authorities, without delving into the essence of the problems”. For example, the historian writes, when discussing such an issue far from politics as the construction of a sewerage system and the reconstruction of the capital's water supply, “Chkheidze made another speech with sweeping accusations against the government of P.A. Stolypin, "ruining" the working peasantry" and did not say a word on the merits of the issue under discussion. Approximately the same way he reacted to other initiatives of the authorities. So, during the consideration in the Duma of the issue of allocating funds for the construction of the Amur railway, a Menshevik deputy attacked with a critical speech, the essence of which was that this construction reflected only the class interests of the nobility, and was a weapon for subsequent government "adventures". Therefore, it is not surprising that the majority of deputies, as Arkhipov writes, “they treated Chkheidze’s oratorical exploits with skepticism and irony”.

However, the left-wing deputy also had a favorite hobby - the fight against Russian nationalism and imperialism. Chkheidze consistently criticized the thesis of the Russian right about the domination of the Russian people, demanding civil equality for the "oppressed nations" without distinction between nationalities and religions. But at the same time, the Georgian Menshevik was categorically against separatism, believing that the preservation of a single state was in the interests of all the peoples of the empire, since without Russians the national outskirts would not be able to achieve a high level of economic and social development, and they would again be plunged into feudal backwardness.

Chkheidze continued his chosen tactics in the IV State Duma, to which he was elected in 1912, becoming the leader of the Menshevik faction. In the spring of 1914, the Menshevik deputy found himself in the center of a high-profile political scandal: after his next heated speech, in which he said that "the most suitable regime to achieve the renewal of the country is (...) the republican regime", the authorities tried to bring Chkheidze to justice for calling for the overthrow of the state system. But the liberal Duma majority stood up for the left-wing deputy, hastily passing a law on the inadmissibility of holding parliamentarians accountable for their statements. Blackmailing the government with non-acceptance of the budget, obstructing Prime Minister I.L. Goremykin, the Duma liberals forced the authorities to abandon the prosecution of Chkheidze, and the Emperor ordered the case of the Georgian Menshevik to be closed. Such solidarity of all the opposition forces in the Duma with the socialist Chkheidze may have been connected not only with the fact that the question of freedom of speech was raised during the incident, but also with the fact that the Georgian deputy was a prominent Freemason. Since 1909, he was a member of the lodges of the "Great Orient of the Peoples of Russia", and in 1912‒1917. was a member of the Duma lodge and the Supreme Council of the "Great East of the peoples of Russia." Later, Chkheidze admitted that there were many prominent Russian politicians and public figures in the Supreme Council of the "Great East", and he personally attracted three leftists - Chkhenkeli, Gegechkori and Skobelev to Freemasonry. " According to the composition among the members [of the Masonic lodges] there were representatives of all leftists up to the Progressives, there was not a single Octobrist”, ‒ Chkheidze asserted.

In the summer of 1914, when the First World War broke out, Chkheidze, along with other Social Democrats, refused to support the Russian government and vote for war loans. Along with A.F. Kerensky, Chkheidze became one of the most radical Duma orators during the First World War. He declared that the government had "put the country on the brink of ruin", demanded that "the people take the fate of the country into their hands", called on the liberal Duma majority to create a new state power. But at the same time, Chkheidze parted ways with the Bolsheviks, as he opposed the strike movement, supporting the entry of workers into military-industrial committees organized by representatives of the liberal opposition.

Closely associated with the Duma liberals through Masonic lodges, Chkheidze supported the creation of the opposition Progressive Bloc (1915) and on the eve of the February Revolution was a supporter of the top coup d'état, on which Russian liberals pinned their hopes. “... After the cleansing of Galicia, after the fall of Lvov and Warsaw, when it became clear what a dead end the war was leading the country into, both in the lodges and in the Supreme Council the question of a political revolution arose, ‒ recalled Chkheidze . - It was put very carefully, not immediately, - the coup was conceived by the leading circles in the form of a coup from above, in the form of a palace coup; they talked about the need to abdicate Nicholas and replace him; they didn’t directly name who exactly, but I think they meant Michael. During this period, the Supreme Soviet took a number of steps to prepare public opinion for such a coup—I remember the campaign trips of Kerensky and others to the provinces, which were made on the direct instructions of the Supreme Soviet, and I remember collecting money for the needs of such a coup. (...) Just before March 1917, the activities of the organization expanded even more. According to the charter, separate lodges could not have communication with each other - they communicated only through the Supreme Council. But in January and especially February 1917, it was deemed necessary to organize larger meetings in order to influence the public mood, (...) outsiders, non-members, were invited to these meetings along with members of the lodges ”.

At one of the last Duma sessions, on February 14, 1917, Chkheidze, dissatisfied with the indecisiveness of the liberals, delivered one of his most radical speeches, in which he almost openly called for revolution. Noting that in Russia there is a “picture from French life at the end of the 18th century” (i.e., reminiscent of the events on the eve of the Great French Revolution), the Menshevik deputy, reproaching the liberal opposition for indecision, declared: “We know, gentlemen, how the bourgeoisie behaved at the end of the sameXVIII century, we know that this bourgeoisie was not engaged in words in its time ... it swept away governments ... ". Stressing further that "the street is already beginning to speak," Chkheidze expressed the hope that Russia was already embarking on a revolutionary path. Responding to such speeches, a prominent right-wing publicist P.F. Bulazel noted these days in his diary: “... If the government continues to follow in the footsteps of the French Girondins, humiliating itself and currying favor with the Duma bloc, then we will live to see the “blocists” be swept away by the more sincere and bolder Kerenskys, Chkheidze, Sukhanovs and Co....”

With the beginning of the revolution, Chkheidze became an active participant in it. Together with Kerensky, he immediately supported the unrest that had begun in the capital, suggesting that the State Duma should lead them as soon as possible. In the tragic days of February, Chkheidze, who turned out to be one of the most demanded leaders of the left, energetically joined the revolutionary work. He constantly made some kind of "extraordinary statements" and "emergency messages", delivered countless pathos speeches to the gathering crowds of people, showered compliments on the St. Petersburg proletariat, denounced the old government and praised the "great and bloodless" revolution. The excited crowds of the townspeople applauded Chkheidze and often, in a fit of emotion, picked him up in their arms. Here is how one of the newspapers reported about the speech of the tile in early March 1917: “Deputy Chkheidze, enthusiastically greeted by the crowd, accompanied by soldiers and officers, utters a word about the greatness of the feat of a revolutionary soldier, who is shaken by the revolutionary heroes - workers. Chkheidze tells about the last efforts of the Okhrana provocation, which issued a vile proclamation about and ardently calls on the soldiers to greet the officers as citizens who have raised the revolutionary banner, and to remain brothers of the revolution and Russian freedom. A crowd of workers, soldiers and officers carries Chkheidze in their arms. However, according to the ironic assessment of the Menshevik N.N. Sukhanov, Chkheidze these days was "the most holy icon of the Tauride Palace, which did not work miracles, but did not annoy anyone, but simply presided".

On February 27, 1917, together with Kerensky, he became a member of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies and was elected its chairman. On the same day, Chkheidze was included in the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, but categorically refused to join the Provisional Government as Minister of Labor, apparently afraid to take real responsibility. As Sukhanov stated, “Chkheidze in general was afraid of any involvement in power like fire”. “Standing at the head of the Soviet, Chkheidze could, if he wanted to, become at the center of the Provisional Government of the revolution: the real power was in the hands of the Soviet,” recalled the leader of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov. ‒ It was even easier for him to stand at the center of the government coalition of socialists with the censers. He didn't want it. His mind, rightly or wrongly, told him that the time had not yet come for socialist democracy. And one feature of his character provided powerful support to the mind. When the question of entering the government was decided, when it was no longer possible to evade, when the disease of fear of power in the socialist ranks was broken by the imperative demand of events, one could see how Chkheidze rebelled against the inevitable personal conclusions from new political positions. He didn’t want to hear anything about his entry into the government.”.

The Menshevik Chkheidze explained his disagreement with the Provisional Government and the aims of his political program these days as follows: “We go with all those who come out with a resolute demand ... that governments ... immediately abandon all conquering and annexationist tasks. This is ... the step that will lead us close to the question of eliminating the war ... We are also in domestic politics following those who direct their work ... to ... resolve the tasks that have been set by the revolution ". Thus, from the very first days of the February Revolution, the Social Democrat Chkheidze actually broke away from his recent liberal allies, taking a more radical position. Member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party A.V. Tyrkova noted irritably: “Nothing good can come from this Georgian. I recognize only the Duma and no Soviets". However, Chkheidze did not dare to break decisively with the Provisional Government, preferring moderate opposition and dialogue with the new government to break.

After returning from exile, V.I. Lenin, Chkheidze condemned his "April Theses", believing that Russia was not yet ripe for a socialist revolution, and called on the Bolsheviks to "go in close ranks" with the Mensheviks for the "victorious end of the revolution" and the "defense of free Russia." With sharp criticism, Chkheidze spoke out against the July action of the Bolsheviks, regarding the latter as conspirators against the democratic government. But the situation was changing rapidly, and Chkheidze, who had been an extreme radical and a hero of the revolution only a couple of months ago, was turning in the eyes of the masses who were rapidly shifting to the left into a compromiser with the power that did not justify hopes. If in the spring of 1917 he was given an ovation, then in July they were already booed and accused of betraying the working class. And after the adoption of the Bolshevik resolution “On Power” by the Petrograd Soviet in September 1917, Chkheidze, in protest, together with the entire Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Presidium, resigned his powers, giving way to L.D. Trotsky.

Deeply disappointed in what was happening, Chkheidze left Petrograd and went to his native Georgia and never returned to Russia. He reacted negatively to the October Revolution, assessing it as an illegal seizure of power by extremist Bolsheviks. But at the same time, the Georgian Social Democrat did not support the armed struggle against the Soviet regime. In 1918 he was elected chairman of the Transcaucasian Seim and the Constituent Assembly of Georgia; in 1919, together with I.G. Tsereteli was the representative of Georgia at the Paris (Versailles) conference. After the arrival of the Red Army in Georgia, Chkheidze emigrated to France, where he took part in the work of the emigrant Menshevik organization. The life of an unlucky revolutionary was tragically cut short on June 7, 1926: tired of a serious illness (tuberculosis), he shot himself...

Menshevik Sukhanov, with all his sympathy for his fellow party member, in his memoirs issued the following “verdict” to N.S. Chkheidze, with which we will end this short essay on the next “gravedigger of the Russian kingdom”: “I keep the warmest memories of this “father” of the revolution, despite his harmful positions. Chkheidze was not fit to be a proletarian and party leader, and he never led anyone anywhere: he had not the slightest clue for that. On the contrary, he had all the data to always go on about, sometimes resting a little. And there were times when his friends led him into such wilds of politicking, where he was not at all comfortable, and into such adventures with which he not only did not sympathize, but against which he strongly protested, although ... not publicly. But, having turned him into an icon, they led him, because he did not have the strength to resist thoroughly. And when he went where he shouldn’t, he fruitlessly protested ... "

Prepared Andrey Ivanov, Doctor of Historical Sciences

NOTES

1 In the early days of the February Revolution, Petrograd enterprises elected deputies to the city Soviet of Workers' Deputies, which was formed on February 27 (March 12), 1917. On February 28, it was proclaimed a united Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The Soviet singled out an Executive Committee, which included mainly representatives of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. The leaders of the Mensheviks N.S. Chkheidze, A.F. Kerensky and M.I. Skobelev. Prior to the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the Petrograd Soviet led all the Soviets of the country. The Soviet formed a contact commission (at various times it included Chkheidze, Sukhanov, Steklov, Skobelev, Tsereteli, Chernov, and others), through which it cooperated with the Provisional Government. The actual power was not the Soviet, but its Executive Committee, which was dominated by socialist intellectuals.

2 The All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) was elected by the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on June 17, 1917 (the congress took place on June 3-24). The absolute majority of the members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee were Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries.

3 The Tauride Palace in St. Petersburg is the former palace of Prince GL. Potemkin Tauride. It was built in 1783--1789 it. architect I.E. Starov. In 1906-1917 The State Duma met in the palace. In 1917 (until the beginning of August) - the residence of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. One day, January 5 (18), 1918, the Constituent Assembly worked in this building.

4 Rasputin (New) Grigory Efimovich (1872--1916) - favorite of Tsar Nicholas

II and his wife Alexandra Feodorovna. Descended from the peasants of the Tobolsk province

As a "seer" and "healer" he acquired a huge influence on the royal family

and her surroundings. Actively intervened in state affairs. Was killed on the night

Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich, who considered the influence of Rasputin

disastrous for the Russian monarchy. Rasputinshina was a manifestation of decomposition

ruling elite of the Russian Empire.

5 The working groups of the military-industrial committees were formed at the end

1915 - early 1916 These were public organizations that set the goal

to intensify the efforts of the working class in military-industrial production and in

at the same time contribute to the improvement of working conditions. Head of the working group

Central Military-Industrial Committee in St. Petersburg stood the Menshevik

K. A. Gvozdev. As legal organizations on a national scale, workers

groups did not enjoy the support of most workers, as they were associated

with the capitalists and, in addition, they adhered to the course of continuing the war.

But the working groups sought to be recognized by the representatives of the bourgeois majority in the committees as equal partners, they demanded autonomy and the opportunity to maintain contacts with their supporters. In March 1916, the program and organizational rules of the planned All-Russian Labor Congress were drawn up in this spirit (Galili 3. Leaders of the Mensheviks in the Russian Revolution: Social realities and political strategy. M, 1993, p. 46). At the end of January 1917, members of the working group of the Central Military Industrial Committee were arrested and released with the beginning of the February Revolution.

6 This refers to the sentiment in favor of ending the First World War and

restoration of universal peace, consonant with the manifesto of Zimmerwald

held in Switzerland. It was attended by 38 delegates from France,

Germany, Italy, Russia, Poland, Switzerland and other countries. Lenin spoke

with the rationale for his extremist slogan of the transformation

imperialist war into civil war. Most of the participants are not

supported this requirement. The conference adopted a manifesto emphasizing

attention to the "imperialist character" of the war, but not containing a direct

call for revolution. Lenin, as well as other leftists, joined the manifesto,

but at the conference they created their own factional group (the Zimmerwald Left).

The resulting Zimmerwald Association was a temporary bloc,

actually existed until 1917. The official decision to "dissolve"

Zimmerwald Association was adopted by the 1st Congress of the Communist

International in March 1919

7 Knyazev L.M. -- Governor-General of Eastern Siberia (Governor

Irkutsk was Colonel Bantysh).

8 We are talking about the Mongolian-Sichuan expedition (1907-1909) of Kozlov Petr Kuzmich (1863-1935) - a Russian general, and then a Soviet explorer of Central Asia, academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (1928). Kozlov also led the Mongol-Tibetan expeditions (1899-1901 and 1923-1926). He discovered the remains of the ancient city of Khara-Khoto, many burial mounds, collected extensive archaeological, ethnographic and geographical material.

9 Gots Abram Rafailovich (1882 - 1940) - Socialist-Revolutionary. In 1906 he was a member of the Social Revolutionary fighting organization. In 1907-1917. was in prison and in exile. Chairman of the Petrograd Bureau of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1917. At the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets he was elected Deputy Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. After the October Revolution of 1917, he was a member of the anti-Bolshevik Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution. Was arrested. One of the main defendants at the trial of the leaders of the Social Revolutionaries in 1922. He was sentenced to death, then the death sentence was commuted to a five-year prison term. Later he was released under an amnesty. He occupied minor economic posts. He was repeatedly arrested. He died in a concentration camp in the Krasnoyarsk Territory.

10 Tsereteli Irakli Georgievich (1881 - 1959) - one of the leaders of the Menshevik Party. Deputy of the II State Duma. During the First World War, he was on the defensive positions. After the February Revolution of 1917, he was the recognized leader of the party, and was a minister of the Provisional Government. Since 1918 - a member of the government of the independent Georgian Republic. After the occupation of Georgia by Soviet Russia, he emigrated (in 1921). Since 1923 he was the representative of the Georgian Social Democrats in the Socialist. Workers' International. Since 1929, he did not participate in political activities. From 1940 he lived in the USA.

11 Bublikov Alexander Alexandrovich (1875--1936?) - engineer of the Russian

railway department, entrepreneur. Maintained close contact with

commercial and industrial circles. Member of the IV State Duma. Member of the party

progressives. He was the head of the transport department of the Central Military

industrial committee. He was at the head of the railway department of the Provisional

government. Participated in the State Conference in August 1917. He spoke

for the cooperation of the liberal parties with the Mensheviks. After the October

the coup of 1917 emigrated. In exile, political activity is not

was doing.

12 The Provisional Committee of the State Duma was formed under the conditions

The chairman of the Duma received a decree from the tsar to dissolve it. The initiators of its creation

were leaders of liberal and right-wing parties. Chairman of the Provisional Committee

Rodzianko was an Octobrist. The Committee was of a transitional nature, facilitated the creation

Provisional government on a successive, legitimate basis. Actually

The Provisional Committee ceased to function after the formation of the Provisional

government, it was legally dissolved along with the IV State Duma

13 Rodzianko Mikhail Vladimirovich (1859-1924) - one of the leaders of the party "Council of October 17" (Octobrists). In 1911-1917. Chairman of the III and IV State Dumas, in 1917 - Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. After the October Revolution of 1917, he tried to organize the defense of the Provisional Government. Then he was able to break through to the Don. In 1920 he emigrated. Abroad published memoirs "The collapse of the empire" and "October Revolution".

14 Menshevism is a trend in the Russian Social Democratic Labor

party, which arose in 1903. The Mensheviks advocated the application of Marxism

to the conditions of Russia, taking into account the changes that have occurred in the development

society after the death of Marx and Engels, but in principle adhered to

Marxist thesis about the possibility of a socialist revolution only on

the basis for the transformation of the working class into the majority of society in a developed

capitalism. In 1917 they formed an independent RSDLP (united),

which maintained a semi-legal position in the early years of the Bolshevik

authorities. Having strongly condemned the October Revolution of 1917, the Menshevik Party

after a series of splits and reorganizations continued its activities abroad,

publishing newspapers and magazines, participating in the work of the so-called "21/2nd

International" - "Second and a Half", and then the Socialist Worker

International. Gradually ceased operations after the second

world war.

15 In Russia, the propertied strata of the population were called census elements.

They were not clearly defined.

"The Provisional Government in Russia was formed on March 2 (15), 1917 by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in agreement with the leadership of the Petrograd Soviet. The government was headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. On May 6 (19), after the April crisis, the first coalition Provisional government, which, along with representatives of liberal and right-wing political forces, included the leaders of the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks V. M. Chernov, A. F. Kerensky, I. G. Tsereteli, M. I. Skobelev. It was formed on July 24 (August 6).It included 7 Cadets and those adjoining them, 5 Social Revolutionaries and People's Socialists, 3 Mensheviks. A.F. Kerensky headed the government. The Fourth (Third Coalition) Government

was formed on September 1 (14) and immediately transferred power to the Council of Five (Directorate), which declared Russia a republic (headed by Kerensky). Finally, the last Provisional Government, chaired by Kerensky (6 Cadets and adjoining, 2 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 4 Mensheviks, 6 non-Party people) existed from September 25 (October 8) to October 25 (November 7), 1917.

17 Kerensky Alexander Fedorovich (1881--1970) - Russian politician, lawyer. Leader of the Trudoviks faction in the IV State Duma. From March 1917 - Social Revolutionary, Minister of Justice, later Minister of War and Marine, and then Minister-Chairman of the Provisional Government. From the end of August - Supreme Commander. After the October Revolution of 1917, he made an unsuccessful attempt to resist the Bolsheviks, in 1918 he emigrated to France. In 1922-1932 he was the editor of the newspaper "Days". Since 1940 he lived in the USA. In the last years of his life he was a professor at Stanford University. Author of extensive memoirs, compiler of documentary publications on Russian history.

18 Lvov Georgy Evgenievich (1861 - 1925) - Prince, Russian politician. Chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union. Member of the First State Duma. He was the first Minister-Chairman of the Provisional Government. After the Bolshevik coup, he was arrested, then released. In 1918 he emigrated.

19 Chkheidze Nikolai Semyonovich (correct name Carlo) (1869-1926) - one of the leaders of the Mensheviks. Member of the III and IV State Duma. In 1917, chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, then chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Member of the Organizing Committee of the Menshevik Party, and then the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united). In 1918-1921. - Chairman of the Transcaucasian Seim, and then the Constituent Assembly of Georgia. After the occupation of Georgia by the Red Army in 1921, he emigrated. Committed suicide.

20 Izvestia of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, a daily newspaper. It began to appear on February 28 (March 13), 1917. After the election of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee at the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets, it appeared as its body. It was in the hands of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. After the October Revolution of 1917, it became the official body of the Bolshevik government. Published to the present (since August 1991 as an independent newspaper).

21 Socialist-Revolutionaries - the abbreviated name of the party of socialist revolutionaries. The process of its creation was lengthy (in the second half of the 90s of the 19th century - the beginning of the 20th century). The first congress of the party took place in December 1905 - January 1906. The party was created on the basis of the previously existing populist organizations. Until 1917, she was in an illegal position. The main political demands were the creation of a democratic republic, the introduction of workers' legislation, and the socialization of the land. The Socialist-Revolutionaries carried out propaganda work, mainly among the peasantry, and used the tactics of individual terror. The main leaders of the party were V.M. Chernov, A.R. Gotz, N.D. Avksentiev. Immediately after the February Revolution of 1917, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, together with the Mensheviks, constituted the majority in the Soviets and were part of the Provisional Government. In the summer of 1917, a trend of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries broke away from the party, and then formed their own party. The Social Revolutionaries condemned the October Revolution, exposed the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party and its terrorist policy, and were part of the anti-Bolshevik governments that arose during the civil war. After the Civil War, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party was banned in Russia. A number of leaders emigrated. While in exile, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party continued to try to maintain its structures and publish periodicals, but soon actually ceased to exist.

22 The Bolsheviks are a political party that first originated as a trend in the RSDLP in 1903 and was officially called the Bolshevik Party from 1917. The term was included in the name of the party until 1952. Since 1918, the main name of the party was "communist". Created under the leadership of V.I. Lenin, the Bolshevik Party became the main bearer of Soviet totalitarianism. After the ban in August 1991, it broke up into a number of competing parties under different names, some of which retained the term "Bolshevik".

23 State Duma - legislative representative institution of the Russian Empire in 1906-1917. It was approved by the manifesto of Tsar Nicholas II on October 17, 1905. The IV State Duma existed from November 15, 1912 to February 27, 1917 (in fact), but was officially dissolved by the Provisional Government on October 6 (19), 1917.

24 Petrovsky Grigory Ivanovich (1878-1958) - Soviet statesman, in 1919-1938. Chairman of the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. Candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1926-1939. In connection with the arrest and execution of his son, Petrovsky was removed from all posts. In the last years of his life, he worked as deputy director of the Museum of the Revolution of the USSR.

25 Nabokov Vladimir Dmitrievich (1869 - 1922) - one of the active figures in the Cadets party, lawyer, publicist. Deputy of the II State Duma. Editor of the Bulletin of the Party of People's Freedom. In 1917 he was the manager of the affairs of the Provisional Government. Member of the Pre-Parliament. After the October Revolution of 1917, he participated in the struggle against the Bolshevik government. Minister of Justice of the anti-Bolshevik Crimean regional government in 1919. In the same year he emigrated to Great Britain, and then to Germany. He was killed by a Russian right-wing extremist when Nabokov tried to protect P.N. Milyukov during the attempt on his life in Berlin. V.D. Nabokov is the father of the writer V.V. Nabokov (Sirina).

26 Gessen Joseph Vladimirovich (1866 - 1943) - one of the leaders of the Cadets,

lawyer and publicist. Deputy of the II State Duma. Editor of the newspaper "Rech".

After the October Revolution of 1917 he emigrated to Germany. Since 1921 he published

in Berlin "Archive of the Russian Revolution", which contained valuable publications

documents from the history of the revolution of 1917 and the civil war.

27 Ektenia (from the Greek "ektenes" - extended, continued) -

ecclesiastical procedure for proclaiming "many years" to bearers of the state

28 Milyukov Pavel Nikolaevich (1859--1943) - Russian politician, historian, publicist. One of the founders of the Cadets Party, a member of its Central Committee, editor of the Rech newspaper. During the First World War, he advocated the expansion of the territories of the Russian Empire and received the nickname Milyukov-Dardanelles. In 1917 he was Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first composition of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he emigrated. Lived in Paris. Abroad published a number of works on the history of Russia, the revolution of 1917 Author of "Memoirs (1859-1917)".

29 Tereshchenko Mikhail Ivanovich (1886--1956) - Russian capitalist, sugar factory, politician. He was close to the Progressive Party. During the World War - Chairman of the Kyiv military-industrial committee. In 1917, Minister of Finance, and then Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he was arrested. Released in the spring of 1918. Fled abroad. In the 1920s and 1930s he was a major French financier.

the whole world". The document announced the overthrow of the "age-old despotism of the king",

intention to convene a Constituent Assembly on the basis of a universal, equal,

to resolute action in favor of peace. At the same time, it was pointed out

that "the Russian revolution will not retreat before the bayonets of the conquerors and will not

will allow itself to be crushed by an external military force." The appeal contained

also a call for the restoration and strengthening of international unity

workers.

31 Sukhanov (real name Gimmer) Nikolai Nikolaevich (1882-1940) -

member of the Russian revolutionary movement, economist, publicist. FROM

1903 - Socialist-Revolutionary, in 1917 - People's Socialist, on a number of issues supported

Menshevik Internationalists. From May 1917 he was a Menshevik-internationalist.

After the October Revolution, he worked in Soviet institutions. Broke in 1920

was sentenced to 10 years in prison in a provocative trial

in the case of the "wrecking" organization - the Union Bureau of the Mensheviks. Later

arrested. Shot without trial.

32 Wilhelm II Hohenzollern (1859--1941) - German emperor and

King of Prussia in 1888-1918 He was overthrown as a result of the November

revolution of 1918, which proclaimed a republic, after which he lived in

Holland.

33 Nicholas II Romanov (1868-1918) -- the last Russian Emperor

(1894-1917), son of Alexander III. He was overthrown by the February Revolution of 1917,

after which he was under house arrest with his family. After the October

coup was sent to Tobolsk, and then to Yekaterinburg, where, by order

the highest Bolshevik hierarchs (Lenin, Sverdlov) was shot along with

family and loved ones.

34 Internationalist Zimmerwaldists - supporters of politics,

proclaimed international socialist Zimmerwald

conference (see note 6).

35 Social Democrats second-thinkers - deputies of the II State Duma. The Second State Duma was convened on February 20, 1907, sat for only half a year, and was dissolved by the government on June 3, 1907. Members of the Social Democratic faction were arrested on the eve of the dissolution of the Duma. At the same time, a new electoral law was issued, which ensured an absolute majority in the Third State Duma for representatives of right-wing parties and groups. In the ensuing trial, 55 members of the faction were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

36 "Marseillaise" is a French revolutionary song that became under the Third

republic (since 1875) the national anthem of France. Words and music

belonged to K.Zh. Rouget de Lille. At first it was called "The Battle Song of the Rhine

Army". In Russia, the "Working Marseillaise" to the words of P.L.

head of government P.A. Stolypin. Disbanded on this day

II State Duma and the law on elections to the III State Duma was issued.

is wrong. In this case, we are talking not about the III, but about the IV State Duma.

38 Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet was issued on March 1 (14), 1917. It contained provisions on the civil equality of soldiers and officers, self-government of soldiers in everything except purely military issues. He provided for the decisions of everyday affairs by elected committees, and political issues by soldiers' representatives in the Council, the loyalty of soldiers to officers only if the first two provisions were observed. The order decisively undermined military discipline, so necessary in the context of the ongoing war.

39 Great French Revolution - French Revolution 1789--1799. (the only one of all bourgeois revolutions, which in the Marxist, and then in the Marxist-Leninist lexicon was given the name great) decisively put an end to the feudal-absolutist system, clearing the ground for the progressive development of France. During the revolution, there was a sharp struggle between the political movements of the Feuillants (right), Girondins (moderates), Jacobins, or Montagnards (left radicals). At first, the Feuillants were in power, then (in August 1792 - May 1793) the Girondins. They were overthrown and ceded power to the Jacobins. After the overthrow of the tyrannical, bloody dictatorship of the Jacobins in July 1794, moderate currents again prevailed. The revolution ended with the coup of Napoleon Bonaparte in November 1799

40 Steklov (real name Nahamkis) Yuri Mikhailovich (1873-1941) - revolutionary, publicist, historian. Social Democrat in 1893. In 1917 he was an active Menshevik, a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, editor of the Izvestia newspaper. After the October Revolution, he became a Bolshevik. He remained the editor of the Izvestiya newspaper in the 1920s. Published a number of works on the history of the revolutionary movement (about MA Bakunin, NG Chernyshevsky and others). Arrested during the "great terror". Shot without trial.

41 Pravda is a daily newspaper founded by the Bolsheviks in 1912.

The name repeated the headline of the newspaper L.D. Trotsky, which was coming out at that time

in Vienna, because of which there was a sharp conflict between Trotsky and Lenin.

In connection with the prohibitions in 1912-1914. name of the Bolshevik "Pravda"

changed several times. In 1914 it was finally closed. Exit

authorities "Pravda" was the main press organ that conducted

the official course of party leaders, as a result of which she played extremely

important role in the communist totalitarian system. Due to the fact that

Pravda supported the coup attempt in August 1991,

it was closed, but soon resumed publication as an organ of the Communist

parties of the Russian Federation.

42 Lenin (Ulyanov) Vladimir Ilyich (1870 - 1924) - the leader of the Bolsheviks,

extremist trend in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party,

and then an independent Bolshevik party. In Russian and international

social democratic movement constantly adhered to the course

relentless struggle against all those who did not agree with him, using

all means available to him, including slander. During the first world war,

including after the February Revolution of 1917, used large sums

money provided to the Bolsheviks by the German authorities for subversive

work. Leading the Bolshevik government after the October Revolution

1917, was on the verge of losing power during the discussion about signing

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, but through cunning maneuvers managed to

actually removed not only from power, but also from the opportunity to receive

party information. After a cerebral hemorrhage in March 1923, completely

lost the ability to act consciously.

43 Skobelev Matvei Ivanovich (1885--1938) - Social Democrat since 1903,

Menshevik, Soviet politician. Member of the IV State Duma.

After the February Revolution of 1917, a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet,

then Deputy Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In May-August 1917 the Minister of Labor

Provisional government. After the October Revolution, he left for Transcaucasia,

from where he emigrated at the end of 1920. In the early 1920s, he announced the transition to

Bolshevik positions, in 1922 he joined the RCP (b). Worked in Soviet trade

missions in London and Paris. In 1926-1930. worked in the Glavkontsesskom of the USSR

and headed the Koncesssky RSFSR. Later he worked in the All-Union Radio Committee.

Arrested during the Great Terror. Shot without trial.

44 Gorky Maxim (Peshkov Alexey Maksimovich) (1868--1936) -- Russian

stories, poems in prose, autobiographical trilogy. In the novel

"The Life of Klim Samgin" (1925--1936) depicts a panorama of public life

Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. After the October Revolution of 1917, Gorky sharply

criticized the policy of the Bolshevik government (Essays "Untimely Thoughts").

Soon he went abroad, where he lived until 1928. After returning to his homeland

was declared a classic, awarded all sorts of honors, enjoyed

friendly disposition I.V. Stalin, who visited him many times. Stalin

used Gorky to unify fiction under the slogan

"socialist realism", which was formulated precisely by Gorky.

In the last years of his life, Gorky was actually under house arrest.

The circumstances of his death are not clear. It is possible that he was killed by agents

Soviet special services.

45 Avilov B.V. (1874-1938) - Social Democrat, statistician. In 1917 he came out

from the Bolshevik Party and joined the group of "non-factional social

Democrats, united around the New Life newspaper. He was a deputy

Petrograd Soviet. After the October Revolution, he moved away from political

activities. Worked in Soviet institutions. Arrested during the "big

terror" and shot without trial.

46 Bazarov (Rudnev) Vladimir Alexandrovich (1874--1939) -- Russian

philosopher and economist, social democrat since 1896. In 1907-1909. together with I.I.

Skvortsov-Stepanov translated "Capital" by K. Marx into Russian (vols. 1-3).

After the February Revolution of 1917 he was a Menshevik-internationalist. One of

editors of the New Life newspaper. After the October Revolution he served in

Soviet institutions. From 1921 he worked in the State Planning Committee of the USSR. Later engaged

pedagogical activity. At a provocative trial in the case allegedly

existing Menshevik organization in 1931 was sentenced to

imprisonment, where he died.

47 This refers to the course of reformism and cooperation with the German government during the First World War, pursued by the right wing of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, in particular one of its leaders, F. Scheidemann (see note 131).

48 Novaya Zhizn is a social-democratic daily newspaper of the left direction, mainly expressing the positions of the left Menshevik-internationalists. It was published from April 1917 to July 1918. The newspaper was financed by M. Gorky, who was a member of the editorial board. It was closed by the Bolshevik authorities.

49 The Kshesinskaya Mansion is a building in St. Petersburg that belonged to the ballerina M.F. before the February Revolution of 1917. Kshesinskaya, favorite of Emperor Nicholas II. In March - early July 1917, the Central Committee was located in this building

and the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP(b). The leading bodies of the Bolsheviks were expelled by the authorities from the mansion after the events of July 3-5 in Petrograd.

50 The Bolshevik publishing house "Priboy" was founded in St.

1913 Was in a legal position. In the autumn of 1914, in the conditions

persecution stopped its activities and resumed it in 1917.

(a tributary of the Pripyat) in the Tabol-Gelenin area. Defeated Third Corps

Third Army of the Western Front (14 thousand soldiers and officers), about

1 thousand soldiers and officers, about 10 thousand people were captured and disappeared without

lead. The offensive was undertaken on the orders of the chief of staff of the German

army on the Eastern Front of General M. Hoffman without the knowledge of higher

German political circles. By order of the high command

the offensive was stopped, as the efforts of Germany were directed to

conclusion of a separate peace with Russia. In the German press about the offensive

almost never reported. In Russia, the news of the defeat at Stokhod caused

serious political unrest.

52 Status quo (lat.) - the former position.

53 Philippiki (Greek) - diatribes of the Athenian democratic orator Demosthenes (c. 384--322 BC), who was the leader of the anti-Macedonian group, against the Macedonian king Philip II. In a figurative sense - angry diatribes.

54 Karl Marx (1818-1893) - German economist and philosopher, critic of capitalist society in the second half of the 19th century, founder of the political, economic and philosophical system, which, after his name, was called Marxism. Marx's theory is characterized by a combination of a subtle analysis of contemporary reality with extreme categorical and dogmatic conclusions related to his unsuccessful attempt to "turn socialism from a utopia into a science." Despite the pseudo-scientific attributes of the communist concept of Marx, his system retained the character of a utopia. Marx participated in the creation of the International Association of Workers (I International) in 1864 and achieved the gradual elimination of supporters of other socialist theories from its leadership. In the early 1870s, until his transfer to the USA in 1872, the International was under his authoritarian leadership. Attempts to realize Marx's utopia in Russia and a number of other countries resulted in the creation of totalitarian regimes that caused severe suffering to many peoples.

Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) - German economist and philosopher, critic of capitalism in the second half of the 19th century. Together with K. Marx, whose closest student and colleague he was for almost 40 years, he participated in the development of a philosophical and political-economic doctrine, which was to become the scientific basis for the implementation of the communist ideal. Attempts to give a scientific basis to communism were initially doomed to failure. In the last years of his life, Engels was energetically engaged in the creation of social-democratic parties in the countries of Western Europe and actually led

Second International, founded in 1889.

56 Lassalle Ferdinand (1825-1864) - German sociologist, organizer and leader of the General German Workers' Union (1863-1875). He considered the introduction of universal suffrage and the creation of workers' production associations with the help of the state as the main means of the struggle for socialism. The followers of Lassalle played a prominent role in the International Association of Workers (I International), where they fought against the guidelines of Karl Marx.

57 Stankevich Vladimir Benediktovich (Stanka Vlados) (1884 - 1968) - lawyer, assistant professor at St. Petersburg University, member of the People's Socialist Party. In 1917 he was Commissar of the Provisional Government at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander. After the October Revolution, he took part in the armed resistance to the Bolsheviks, was in the underground. In August 1919 he went abroad illegally. In January 1920, he organized the Peace and Labor group in Berlin, which published the newspaper Voice of Russia and the magazine Life, which called for an end to the civil war and restoration of peace in Russia. Hope was expressed for a positive evolution of Bolshevism. The group called for the resumption by Western European countries of trade and diplomatic relations with Russia. The "Peace and Labor" group existed for a little over a year. In the future, Stankevich was active in journalistic activities and collaborated with the Berlin publishing house "Knowledge". From 1923 he lived in Lithuania, where he became a professor at Kaunas University. After World War II he emigrated to the USA. Worked at the Arctic Institute. Wrote extensive memoirs, which are repeatedly quoted by B.C. Voitinsky.

58 Sevruk P.N. - a Bolshevik from Gomel, who in 1917 went over to the position of revolutionary defencism and joined the Mensheviks. Member of the Congress of the Menshevik Party in December 1917

59 Krestinsky Nikolai Nikolaevich (1883--1938) - Soviet party and statesman. Social Democrat since 1903. In 1918-1921. People's Commissar for Finance of the RSFSR. In 1919-1921. Member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP(b). Since 1921, in diplomatic work. He was the plenipotentiary in Germany. In 1930-1937. Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR. One of the defendants at the provocative trial of the "Right-Trotsky bloc" in March 1938. He was the only one of the defendants who tried to refute the ridiculous accusations. Sentenced to death and shot.

60 Kamenev (Rosenfeld) Lev Borisovich (1883--1936) - Soviet party

and statesman. Social Democrat since 1901 Member of the Politburo of the Central Committee

RCP(b) in 1919-1925 In October and November 1917, he left the Central Committee twice for

connection with political differences with Lenin. In 1918-1926. chairman

Moscow City Council. Since 1922, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars

RSFSR, then the USSR. In January-August 1926, the people's commissar of internal and external

trade of the USSR, then for a short time the plenipotentiary of the USSR in Italy. In 1923-1924.

together with G.E. Zinoviev supported Stalin in the struggle for power against

1925, together with Zinoviev, formed a "new opposition" against Stalin,

convicted at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b) in December of the same year. In 1926 he entered

composition of the united anti-Stalinist opposition. At the XV Congress of the CPSU (b) (December

1927) was expelled from the party, but immediately repented and was soon reinstated

in the CPSU(b). In 1929-1934. held a number of minor administrative

posts. In 1932 he was again expelled from the party, but was reinstated. AT

December 1934 was expelled from the party for the third time, and then arrested, accused of

complicity in the murder of SM. Kirov and sentenced to imprisonment. On the

provocative trial in the case of the "anti-Soviet united

Trotskyist-Zinoviev Center" (August 1936) was sentenced to death

executed and shot.

61 Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov (1856-1918) - leader of the Russian and international social democratic movement, philosopher. In 1875-1880. was one of the leaders of the populist organizations. In 1880 he emigrated. In 1883 he created the Russian Social Democratic Party in Switzerland

group "Emancipation of Labor". He was one of the founders of the RSDLP and its newspaper Iskra. Since 1903 one of the leaders of Menshevism. During the First World War, he took a decisive defensive position. Organizationally broke with the Mensheviks and headed the Social Democratic group "Unity". After the February Revolution of 1917 he returned to Russia. Supported the Provisional Government. He reacted sharply negatively to the October Revolution. He died in a sanatorium in Finland.

62 The All-Russian Conference of the Bolsheviks was held in Petrograd on March 27 (April 9) - April 4 (17), 1917. Bolshevik deputies of the All-Russian Conference of Soviets participated. It was held under the direction of L. B. Kamenev. At his suggestion, the meeting assessed the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia as incomplete, and the movement towards a socialist revolution as premature. It took a course of conditional support for the Provisional Government and putting pressure on it, to unite with the Mensheviks. The proposal of I.V. Stalin, to begin appropriate negotiations on the basis of the principles of the Zimmerwald Conference of 1915. Stalin, who fully supported Kamenev's position at the meeting, was elected to the commission for negotiations with the Mensheviks. B.C. Approval Voitinsky that the meeting was closed before V.I. Lenin is wrong. True, the arrival of Lenin did not change the decisions made. Lenin spoke at a meeting with a report on his "April Theses" on the night of April 4. After Lenin's report, the meeting adopted a resolution on conditional support for the Provisional Government. The April Theses were published in Pravda with the note that they reflect the author's personal point of view. The minutes of the meeting are published in the book: Trotsky L. Stalin's school of falsification: Corrections and additions to the literature of epigones. M., 1990, p. 225-- 290.

63 The "Communist Manifesto" (correctly "Manifesto of the Communist Party") is a document written by K. Marx and F. Engels at the beginning of 1848 as a program of the League of Communists - formally an international, but essentially a German émigré communist organization that existed in 1847-1852 The document substantiated the statement about the inevitability of the death of capitalism and the role of the proletariat in its elimination, outlined the attitude towards other socialist doctrines, determined the tactics of the communists in relation to other opposition political parties, etc.

Bolshevik organization, but at the All-Russian Conference of the Bolsheviks.

65 Goldenberg Iosif Petrovich (1873-1922) - Social Democrat since 1892

Bolshevik since 1903. Since 1914 Menshevik. In the spring of 1917 he was sent

Menshevik party abroad, where he remained after the October Revolution.

In 1920, he announced the transition to the position of the Bolsheviks, in 1921 he returned to

Russia and became a member of the Bolshevik Party.

66 Zinoviev (Radomyslsky, in his youth also bore his mother's surname

Apfelbaum) Grigory Evseevich (real name and patronymic Evsey Gersh

Aronovich) (1883-1836) - Soviet party and statesman,

one of the closest associates of V.I. Lenin in the pre-October period. Since 1919

was chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. was

also chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. In 1923-1925. together with L.B.

Kamenev supported I.V. Stalin. Many authors inaccurately believe that

they constituted a "triumvirate" that really stood in power. In 1925, together with

Kamenev led the "new opposition", condemned at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (b)

in December of the same year. In 1926-1927. was one of the leaders of the united anti-Stalinist opposition. In November 1927 he was expelled from the CPSU(b). After repentance (in December of the same year) he was reinstated in the party, and then mockingly appointed to work in the Central Union of the USSR. A few years later, L.D. Trotsky wrote that Zinoviev fought "against Stalinism to the extent permitted by Stalin" (Trotsky L. Portraits of revolutionaries. M., 1991, p. 209). In 1932, Zinoviev was again expelled from the party and reinstated in it the following year. In 1934 he was expelled for the last time, in 193S he was arrested and sentenced to 10 years in prison on slanderous charges of complicity in the murder of SM. Kirov. In August 1936, at the first "open" provocative trial in Moscow in the case of the "anti-Soviet united Trotskyist-Zinoviev center", he was sentenced to death and shot.

67 Lenin's speech at the joint meeting of Social Democrats - Bolsheviks and Mensheviks - delegates to the All-Russian Conference of Soviets in the Tauride Palace was delivered on April 4 (17), 1917. It contained the well-known "April Theses", developed in the article "On the Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution ", published in Pravda on April 7 (20).

68 "Unity" is a social-democratic newspaper published in Petrograd in May-July 1914, and then from March 1917. From December 1917 it was called "Our Unity". It was closed by the Bolshevik authorities in January 1918. A group of right-wing Social Democrats formed around the newspaper "Unity", who did not adjoin the Menshevik Party, the most important representatives of which were G.V. Plekhanov (team leader), L.G. Deutsch, V.I. Zasulich, G.A. Aleksinsky, L.I. Axelrod. The newspaper and the group defended positions of full support for Russia's participation in the First World War. After the October Revolution of 1917, they took a decisive anti-Bolshevik position.

69 This refers to the "April Theses" (see notes 62, 67).

70 Bakunin Mikhail Aleksandrovich (1814--1876) - Russian revolutionary,

theorist of anarchism, one of the ideologists of populism. From 1840 he lived abroad,

participated in the revolution of 1848-1849. He was arrested by the Austrian authorities and

extradited to Russia in 18S1. He was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress, and

leaders of the International Association of Workers (I International), in

which led a decisive struggle against the desire of K. Marx to impose

international workers' movement their views and monopolize leadership.

In 1872, Bakunin was expelled from the First International, but continued to lead

an international anarchist organization that retained the same name.

71 The Freedom Loan was issued by the Provisional Government for

The Petrograd Soviet called on the population to support the loan. Bolsheviks

The 72nd Kienthal (Second Zimmerwald) Conference of Social Democrats was held April 24-30, 1916 (on the first day in Bern, and then in the village of Kienthal in Switzerland). A manifesto was adopted calling for a struggle against the war, for socialism. Along with the centrist socialists, the conference was attended by leftists, including representatives of the extremist movement headed by V.I. Lenin. The extremists and those adjoining them constituted the so-called Zimmerwald Left, which supported Lenin's slogan of turning the imperialist war into a civil one.

73 Russkaya Volya is a weekly newspaper founded by Minister of the Interior A.D. Protopopov. She came out from December 1916. She resolutely opposed the Bolsheviks. Closed immediately after the October Revolution of 1917.

74 "New time" - a weekly newspaper published in St. Petersburg in 1868-

1917 At first it had a liberal character, and since 1876, having passed into the hands of A.S. Suvo

Rina, became a conservative publication that promoted the Great Russian

nationalism. After the February Revolution of 1917, she occupied counter

revolutionary stance. It was closed by the Bolsheviks immediately after the October

coup.

75 Vechernee Vremya is a daily right-wing tabloid newspaper founded in

1911 A.S. Suvorin. In 1917, she expressed mainly the views of the right

officers. Closed immediately after the October Revolution.

76 "Rech" - a daily newspaper, the central organ of the Kadet Party in 1906-

1917 Published in St. Petersburg (Petrograd). The editors were I.V. Hesse and

P.N. Milyukov. It was closed by the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution.

77 The Day is a daily liberal newspaper. Published in St. Petersburg since 1912.

After the February Revolution of 1917, it passed into the hands of the Mensheviks. Closed

immediately after the October Revolution.

78 "Little Newspaper" is a right-wing tabloid newspaper. It was published in Petrograd from the summer of 1914 to July 1917. After the February Revolution, she was close to the non-factional Social Democrats. Resolutely opposed the Bolsheviks.

79 "Gazeta-Kopeyka" - a daily tabloid newspaper published in St. Petersburg since June 1908. Closed by the Bolsheviks in 1918.

80 Zhivoe Slovo is a daily right-wing tabloid newspaper. It was published in Petrograd since March 1917 (from August "Word", then "New Word"). Closed immediately after the October Revolution.

81 Sovremennoye Slovo - apparently referring to the daily newspaper Russkoe

word", which was published in Moscow in 1895-1917. It had a liberal character.

It was closed by the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution.

82 "Petrogradskiye Vedomosti" is a daily newspaper. Founded by Peter I

in 1703 in Moscow under the name Vedomosti. From 1713 predominantly, and from

1720 was completely published in St. Petersburg. Since 1820, the newspaper has been published under

titled "Sankt-Peterburgskiye Vedomosti". Was an organ of the ministry

enlightenment in Russia. Since 1914 it was called "Petrogradskiye Vedomosti". Was

closed by the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution of 1917

83 "Petrogradsky Listok" is a liberal newspaper published in 1917. It was

closed by the Bolsheviks immediately after the October Revolution. Then resumed

the output of the morning edition of the newspaper, which was also closed after two weeks.

84 Petrogradskaya Gazeta, a newspaper published in 1917, had a liberal character. It was closed by the Bolsheviks in November 1917, but soon resumed output. In January 1918, it was again closed, but then for a short time it was published under the name "Novaya Petrogradskaya Gazeta".

85 Specific land in Russia until 1917 was called land that was the property of members of the imperial family, cabinet land was land that was the property of the emperor.

86 Dan (Gurvich) Fyodor Ilyich (1871-1941) - one of the leaders of the Mensheviks. In 1917 he was a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united) since August 1917. After the October Revolution, he served in

Red Army. He was repeatedly arrested. In 1922 he was expelled from Russia. In exile, he was active in political, scientific and publishing work. He was one of the leaders of the publication of the journal "Socialist Bulletin". Until 1933 he lived in Germany, then in France, from 1940 in the USA. In 1940 he founded his own journal Novy Mir (later Novy Put). Author of the book "The Origin of Bolshevism" (1946).

87 Anisimov Vasily Anisimovich (1878 - 1938) - Social Democrat since 1902, Menshevik. Deputy of the II State Duma. He was arrested and exiled to Irkutsk. In 1917 he returned to Petrograd. He was a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. During the Civil War, he lived in Siberia, published the newspaper Our Business. He was a member of the Constituent Assembly of the Far Eastern Republic. In the following years - a writer. Arrested during the "great terror", shot without trial.

88 Ermolaev Konstantin Mikhailovich (pseudonym Roman) (1884-1919) - Menshevik, revolutionary defencist. Member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united) since August 1917. Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Member of the Pre-Parliament.

89 Weinstein Semyon Lazarevich (pseudonym Zvezdin. Zvezdich) (1876-1923) - member of the Bund, Menshevik, revolutionary defencist. Member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Member of the Pre-Parliament. In 1922 he emigrated to Germany.

90 Rozhkov Nikolai Alexandrovich (1869--1927) --Russian political

activist, historian. Bolshevik in 1905-1910 In 1910, in exile, he joined

Mensheviks. In 1917-1922. member of the Menshevik Party. After the October

the coup of 1917 criticized the policy of the Bolshevik government. exposed

arrests. Since 1924, he retired from political activity. Conducted scientific work.

XVII centuries, the development of capitalism in Germany. In 1918-1926. got him out

fundamental work "Russian history in comparative historical

lighting" (12 volumes). Professor since 1922.

91 Chernov Viktor Mikhailovich (1873 - 1952) - one of the founders of the party

Socialist-Revolutionaries, its leader and theorist. In 1917 the Minister of Agriculture of the Provisional

government. Chairman of the Constituent Assembly. In 1919-1920. lived

illegally in Moscow. Then he went abroad. Published memoirs "Before

storm", as well as a number of historical works and documentary collections. During

World War II participated in the resistance movement in France. After

war moved to the United States.

Socialist-Revolutionaries. In 1907 he emigrated. After the February Revolution of 1917 he returned

in Russia. He was chairman of the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Council of Peasant

deputies and pre-parliament. Minister of the Interior of the Provisional Government.

After the October Revolution of 1917, he was strongly anti-Bolshevik

positions. He was arrested but soon released. September-November 1918

chairman of the anti-Bolshevik state body - Directory,

elected at the State Conference in Ufa. The directory was overthrown

Admiral A. V. Kolchak was declared to Russia. Avksentiev was arrested and deported

To China. In 1919 he moved to Paris. From 1940 he lived in the USA. book author

"Kolchak's coup d'état: Civil war in Siberia and Northern

region" (1927).

93 Lieber (Goldman) Mikhail Isaakovich (1880-1937) - one of the leaders of the Bund and the Menshevik Party. Social Democrat since 1898. In 1917, a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Member of the Organizing Committee

Menshevik Party, and then in the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united). Stood in defensive positions. After the October Revolution, he retired from political activity. From 1923 he was subjected to systematic arrests. In 1935 he was arrested in Kazan, where he was exiled along with other leaders of the Mensheviks. Shot without trial.

94 "Not all is well in the Kingdom of Denmark" -- paraphrase of a statement from

W. Shakespeare's tragedy "Hamlet".

95 This refers to the All-Russian Conference of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers'

d. The parties of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries had the predominant influence. meeting

spoke in favor of conditional support for the Provisional Government and took a position

revolutionary defense.

96 Recall that until February 14, 1918, the Julian calendar (old style) was in force in Russia. The difference between the old style and the new style (Gregorian calendar) in the 20th century. is 13 days. The author has a reservation. The May Day demonstration did not take place on April 16, but on April 18, 1917. On Sunday, April 16, the Petrograd workers worked to be able to hold a demonstration on April 18.

97 Lloyd George David (1863-1945) - British politician, leader of the Liberal Party. In 1905-1908. Minister of Trade, in 1908-1915 finance minister and de facto head of government. British Prime Minister 1916-1922 Author of several memoirs, the most significant of which is "The Truth about Peace Treaties", dedicated to the First World War and the post-war system.

98 Clemenceau Georges (1841-1929) - French politician, radical, prime minister in 1906-1909, 1917-1920. He also held other ministerial posts. He was chairman of the Paris Peace Conference 1919-1920.

99 Thomas Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) - President of the United States from 1913-1921. from the Democratic Party. Historian by profession, author of a number of scientific papers, professor. As president, he passed a number of liberal-democratic laws. He was the initiator of the entry of the United States into the First World War on the side of the Entente. In January 1918, he put forward a peace program ("Fourteen Points"), which was generally democratic in nature, but at the same time contained claims for a more active US leadership role in the world.

100 The Mariinsky Palace was built in 1844 on St. Isaac's Square in

Petersburg for Grand Duchess Maria Nikolaevna, the eldest daughter of the Tsar

Nicholas I. In 1917, the residence of the Provisional Government. Later in the palace

was the Executive Committee of the Leningrad Soviet. Currently the residence

Mayor of Saint Petersburg

101 The Cadets are short for the Constitutional Democratic

party, also known as the People's Freedom Party. Formed in

1905 Advocated liberal transformation of Russia by creating

constitutional monarchy, introduction of democratic freedoms, improvement

socio-economic status of peasants and workers by legislative means.

The party leaders were P.N. Milyukov, A.I. Shingarev, V.D. Nabokov and others. Party

participated in the Provisional Government of 1917. Immediately after the October

coup d'état, the Kadet Party, which strongly condemned the violent actions

Bolshevik authorities, was banned. Many of its leaders died from

Bolshevik terror. Parts managed to emigrate. In exile P.N. Milyukov and

other party leaders carried out journalistic work, but the organizational structure of the Cadets abroad was not restored.

102 Guchkov Alexander Ivanovich (1862-1936) - Russian businessman and politician, leader of the "Union of October 17" (Octobrists) party, which existed in 1905-1917. Member of the III State Duma, its chairman since 1910. In 1915-1917. was chairman of the Central Military Industrial Committee. In March-May 1917 he was Minister of War and Naval Affairs of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he emigrated. Lived in Berlin, then in Paris.

103 Linde F.F. (1881-1917) - Menshevik, member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, one of the organizers of the soldiers' demonstrations in the April days of 1917. Commissar of the Provisional Government on the Southwestern Front. He was killed by soldiers propagandized by the Bolsheviks.

104 Pyrrhus (319-273 BC) - king of Epirus in 307-302 and 296-273. Fighting against Rome, he won victories at Heraclea (280) and Ausculum (279) at the cost of huge losses. The expression "Pyrrhic victory" has become a household word for a victory achieved at too high a price, or a fictitious victory.

105 Kornilov Lavr Georgievich (1870 - 1918) - Russian general from infantry.

During the First World War, he was captured by the Germans, from where he fled. In 1917 he was

commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, and then (July-August)

Supreme Commander. At the end of August, he tried to speak for

the establishment of a firm state power in Russia, but did not receive support

political forces. The head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, who first joined

in negotiations with Kornilov, interrupted them and announced the general's rebellion. Kornilov

was taken into custody. After the October Revolution, he tried to provide

resistance to the Bolsheviks. Ran to the Don and became one of the organizers

Volunteer army, which aimed to overthrow the Bolshevik regime.

He was killed during the battle in the Yekateringrad region.

106 Butada (obsolete.) - props, something fake, not real.

107 At a ceremonial meeting of 90 deputies of four State Dumas

socialist parties. The Bolsheviks ignored the meeting. Significant

it did not receive a public response, only

short messages.

108 Alekseev Mikhail Vasilyevich (1857 - 1918) - Russian general from infantry. During the First World War he was chief of staff of the Southwestern Front, commander of the Northwestern Front, from 1915 chief of staff of the Headquarters. In March-May 1917 Supreme Commander. After the October Revolution, he led the Volunteer Army, which entered into an armed struggle with the Bolshevik government.

109 Tolstoy Lev Nikolaevich (1828--1910) - Russian writer, count, honorary academician (1900) of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. In novels, short stories, plays, autobiographical trilogy, philosophical and religious works, journalism, Tolstoy expressed the desire of the individual to comprehend his inner essence, to moral perfection, to search for religious and moral ideals. The epic "War and Peace" shows the ups and downs of the Russian-French wars of the early 19th century, especially the Patriotic War of 1812. "Sevastopol Tales" is dedicated to the defense of Sevastopol during the Crimean War. Tolstoy had a huge impact on the development of Russian and world culture.

110 Sevastopol defense during the Crimean War 1853-1956.

V.A. Kornilov, and then Vice Admiral P.S. Nakhimov defended the city from

armed forces of France, Great Britain and Turkey. The south side was

abandoned, the rest of the city was held by Russian troops.

111 Sabines - Italic tribes who lived in ancient times between the rivers

Tiber, Aternus and Anio. Part of the Sabines, who lived on the hills of Rome, played the leading

role in the formation of the ancient Roman people. With other tribes, Rome led

war and conquered them.

112 Emile Verhaarn (1855-1916) Belgian poet and playwright. Artworks

Verhaarn expressed the tragic perception of life in the spirit of symbolism and

social contradictions of society. Verhaarn was also the author of books on

Rembrandt and Rubens.

113 Lashevich Mikhail Mikhailovich (1884--1928) - Soviet party and military leader. Social Democrat of 1901. From 1918 he was in a leading position in the Red Army. In 1925-1926. Deputy People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs, Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR, then Deputy Head of the Chinese Eastern Railway. He was a member of the united opposition in the CPSU (b) in 1926-1927. He delivered a report at an illegal meeting organized in a forest near Moscow by members of the opposition, which served as a pretext for massive persecution in the press. Expelled from the CPSU(b) in December 1927. In May 1927 he got into a car accident. After an unsuccessful operation, he died in Harbin.

114 Rabochaya Gazeta is the daily newspaper of the Mensheviks. Released from March to

(combined). Closed after the October Revolution. Instead of "Workers' newspaper"

The Mensheviks began publishing the newspaper Novy Luch.

115 Brusilov Alexander Alexandrovich (1853--1926) - Russian general from

cavalry (1912). Commander of the 8th Army and later Commander-in-Chief of Yugo

Western front during the First World War. June-August 1916

conducted a successful offensive against the Austro-Hungarian army (Brusilovsky

breakthrough). In May-July 1917 Supreme Commander. From 1920 he served

in the Red Army. In 1923-1924. cavalry inspector.

116 Bethmann-Hollweg Theobald (1856-1921) - Chancellor of Germany and Minister-President of Prussia in 1909-1917. In 1905-1907. was Minister of the Interior of Prussia, in 1907-1909. Reich Minister of the Interior and Deputy Reich Chancellor.

117 Okopnaya Pravda is a front-line Bolshevik newspaper. Editor F.P. Khaustov. It came out in April 1917 - February 1918 (in July - October 1917 under the title "Trench Alarm").

118 Erich Ludendorff (1865--1937) - German military figure, general. During the First World War, assistant to Field Marshal P. Hindenburg, led all military operations on the Eastern Front in 1914-1916. In 1916-1918. was the de facto leader of all the German armed forces. Member of the anti-government conspiracy in 1920 (Kapp putsch) and leader (together with A. Hitler) of the Nazi uprising in Munich in November 1923 (beer putsch).

119 We are talking about the Seventh (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (Bolsheviks) April 24-29 (May 7-12), 1917, held in Petrograd. The conference condemned the position of some Bolshevik leaders

immediately after the February Revolution (Kamenev, Stalin, etc.). who advocated conditional support for the Provisional Government and putting pressure on it, adopted the "April Theses" by V.I. Lenin, who set the goal of directly preparing for the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one under conditions of dual power by peaceful means under the slogan "All power to the Soviets."

120 Bonch-Bruevich Vladimir Dmitrievich (1873--1955) -- participant

revolutionary movement in Russia, social democrat since 1895. Participated in

organization of Bolshevik publications. During the first world war

headed the publishing house "Life and Knowledge". In 1917-1920. manager

Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR. Then he did scientific work. Author of works on history

revolutionary movement, religious and social movements in Russia.

121 Chernyshev I.V. - Social Democrat, member of the St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle

for the liberation of the working class." Then he went over to the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

122 In the spring and summer of 1917, a number of representatives of the social

democratic parties of the Entente countries. United delegation led by

French Minister of Armaments A. Thomas visited Petrograd in April, at the same time

the French socialist M. Cachin visited Russia. In May paid a visit to the Belgian

socialist minister E. Vandervelde. Russia was also visited by representatives

United States Socialist Party C.E. Russell and J. Duncan.

123 Germany and Austria-Hungary are meant.

124 We are talking about the International Socialist Bureau, a permanent

formation-executive body of the Second International, created in 1900.

based in Brussels. At the beginning of World War I, the International

the socialist bureau ceased to exist. Resumed activity

after the war.

125 Camille Huysmans (1871 - 1968) - Belgian socialist, one of

leaders of the Belgian Workers' Party. In 1905-1922. chairman

International Socialist Bureau of the Second International. In 1910-1965.

Member of the Belgian Parliament He was chairman of the House of Representatives. AT

1946--1947 prime minister, in 1947-1949 Minister of Education.

126 The Dutch-Scandinavian Committee is the initiative body for convening

international socialist conference, which was planned in 1917.

The committee was established in The Hague in 1916. It included K.Ya. Branting (Sweden),

P.J. Troelstra (Holland), T. Stauning (Denmark). To assist this committee in

1917, a delegation of Russian Soviets was allocated, consisting of Socialist-Revolutionaries and

Mensheviks. It included I. Goldenberg, G. Erlich, V. Rozanov, A. Smirnov

and N. Rusanov. The conference was canceled due to a sharply negative attitude

to it by the governments of Great Britain and France.

127 Cachin Marcel (1869 - 1958) - French socialist leader,

and then the communist movement. In 1905---1920. participated in the leadership

socialist party. During the First World War, he stood in positions

strong support of the French government. Then he abruptly changed

political orientation. Was one of the founders of the Communist Party in December

1920 In 1918-1958 director of the newspaper "Humanite" (the central organ of the party).

In 1924-1943. was a member of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern.

128 Thomas Albert (1878-1832) - French socialist. Since 1910 one of the leaders of the party. During the First World War Minister for Armaments. One of the initiators of the restoration of the Second International in 1919. In 1919-1932. head of the International Labor Office of the League of Nations.

(1866-1838) - Belgian politician, socialist. Since the mid 90s

years leader of the Belgian Workers' Party. Since 1900 Chairman

International Socialist Bureau of the Second International. Member of parliament

since 1894. At the beginning of the First World War, Vandervelde became part of

Government of Belgium as Minister of Justice. Later repeatedly

served as minister of foreign affairs, justice, etc.

130 Henderson Arthur (1863-1935) -- British politician, one

from the leaders of the Labor Party. In 1911-1934. party secretary. In 1915-

1917 was minister without portfolio, in 1924 minister of the interior. AT

1929--1931 Foreign Secretary. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for

active actions in defense of peace and for disarmament.

131 Scheidemann Philipp (1865--1939) -- German politician,

one of the leaders of the Social Democratic Party, a member of its board since 1911

chairmen (together with F. Ebert) of the Council of People's Deputies

(government), in February - June 1919 head of government.

132 Weinberg Yu.S. -- Russian Social Democrat, Menshevik, member of the delegation of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in Stockholm in 1917. Led the Information Bureau of the Petrograd Soviet in Stockholm.

133 The word "government" was inserted by Voitinsky.

134 Alexei Vasilyevich Peshekhonov (1867--1933) - Russian public figure, publicist. At the beginning of the century he was close to the Socialist-Revolutionaries, since 1904 he was a member of the editorial committee of the magazine "Russian Wealth", one of the organizers and leaders of the People's Socialist Party. In May-August 1917 Minister of Food of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he participated in anti-Bolshevik governments. In 1922 he was expelled from Russia. Lived in Riga, Prague, Berlin. Since 1927, he was a consultant to the Soviet trade mission in the Baltic countries.

135 Pereverzev Pavel Nikolaevich - Russian politician, member of the IV State Duma. Party affiliation is indicated in various sources in different ways (Trudovik, Social Revolutionary, Cadet). Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he lived in an illegal position. In 1930 he emigrated.

136 We are talking about the creation of the second Provisional Government (the first coalition), formed as a result of the April crisis of 1917 on May 6 (19), headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. The government included one Octobrist, eight Cadets and three Socialist-Revolutionaries adjoining them, two Mensheviks.

137 The All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP on May 7-12 (20-25), 1917, held in Petrograd, considered the report of the Organizing Committee of the Menshevik Party, the questions of the Provisional Government and the coalition ministry, the war, the restoration of the International and the convening of an international socialist conference, on the attitude towards the Soviets, on the unification and preparation of the Party Congress, on the elections to the Constituent Assembly, on agrarian, labor and national questions. The conference elected an Organizing Committee consisting of 17 people (Akselrod, Goldman, Khinchuk, Isuv, Dan, Bogdanov, Yezhov, Batursky, and others). Revolutionary defensists predominated among the participants. The conference contributed to a certain consolidation of the Menshevik Party, although serious political differences remained in it.

138 The June offensive of 1917 was undertaken by the Provisional Government on the Southwestern Front on June 18-30 (July 1-13). On July 6-15 (19-28), the Austro-German troops launched a counterattack, which led to the defeat of the Russian army and was one of the causes of the July political crisis.

139 Chudnovsky Grigory Isaakovich (1890--1918) - participant in the Russian revolutionary movement, Menshevik. In 1917 he was a member of the inter-district group, then a Bolshevik. He took part in the suppression of the armed uprising of Kerensky-Krasnov immediately after the October Revolution. Killed in action during the Civil War.

140 A priori (lat.) - in advance.

141 The Menshevik Internationalists are a faction of the Menshevik Party,

which took shape immediately after the February Revolution of 1917.

for the signing of a democratic peace, defended the right to autonomy of non-Russians

peoples. In May 1917, the Central Bureau of the Mensheviks was formed.

internationalists. The faction enjoyed particular influence in Ukraine, in

Tula, Minsk and some other cities. In Petrograd and Moscow influence

internationalists were weaker, but also significant. After creating in

August 1917, the RSDLP (united) internationalists actually retained

your faction. They participated in the Third Zimmerwald Conference

apart from the defenders. After the October Revolution, they advocated achieving

compromise with the Bolsheviks. Participated in negotiations on the creation of a homogeneous

socialist government. They condemned a separate peace with Germany, believing

that it will lead to the defeat of the Russian revolution. Menshevik leader

internationalists was L. Martov.

142 Tikhonov A.N. (pseudonym Serebrov A.) (1880-1956) - writer. In 1915-

1916 publisher of the journal "Chronicle" ^ and then the newspaper "New Life".

143 Volsky S. (pseudonyms Sokolov A., Andrey, etc.) (1880--?) - Social Democrat. In 1903-1907. Bolshevik, then otzovist. Fought against the Bolshevik government. Emigrated, then returned to Russia. He worked in the State Planning Committee and the People's Commissariat of the USSR. Apparently, he was shot during the "great terror".

144 Vinogradov S. (pseudonym Derevensky) - Menshevik, publicist. Worked in Novgorod. Author of the pamphlet "On the Land", issued by the Menshevik Party in 1917. Member of the unification congress in August 1917. Commissar of the Petrograd Soviet in Kronstadt.

145 Roshal Semyon Grigoryevich (1896-1917) - Bolshevik since 1914. One of the leaders of the Bolshevik organization in Kronstadt in 1917. He was killed on the Romanian front shortly after the October Revolution.

146 Ioannity (Hospitallers) - members of the spiritual and knightly order, founded in Palestine by the crusaders at the beginning of the XII century. At the end of the XIII century. left the East. In 1530, the Order of Malta was founded (on the island of Malta), which existed until 1898. Since 1834, the residence of the Johnites in Rome. In tsarist Russia, the Johnites were the backbone of political reaction.

147 Trotsky (Bronstein) Lev Davydovich (1879 - 1940) - politician, social democrat from the end of the 90s of the XIX century. In 1905 he was chairman of the St. Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies. Being then in exile and not adjoining either the Bolsheviks or the Mensheviks, he published the newspaper Pravda in Vienna, which promoted the restoration of the unity of the Social Democrats. Returning to Russia in May 1917, he first joined the Social Democratic group of "mezhraiontsy", and in July 1917 became a Bolshevik and

immediately promoted to the ranks of the most prominent leaders of the party. Being in the fall of 1917 the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, he led the October Revolution. After the Bolsheviks came to power, he was first People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, and then People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council (until 1925). Together with Lenin and other party leaders, he bore the main political responsibility for the Bolshevik terror. Since 1923, he opposed Stalin, whom he accused of imposing bureaucracy and rejecting "Leninism." In 1926 he became the leader of the united opposition in the CPSU(b). Political intransigence, unwillingness to compromise, underestimation of Stalin's cunning and prudence largely contributed to the defeat of the united opposition. In November 1927, Trotsky was expelled from the party, in January 1928 he was exiled to Alma-Aga, in February 1929 he was expelled from the USSR, in 1932 he was deprived of Soviet citizenship. While in exile (Turkey, France, Norway, Mexico), he continued to actively defend his views, published the Bulletin of the Opposition (Bolshevik-Leninists) magazine, was the ideological inspirer of the creation of the IV International (it took shape in the mid-30s and was officially proclaimed in 1938), wrote a number of journalistic and memoir books. He was killed in August 1940 by the NKVD agent R. Mercader on a direct order from Stalin. A talented publicist, an erudite man, a fanatic of the revolution, Trotsky was one of the most prominent among the Bolshevik figures who consciously gave their strength and life to the establishment of an anti-people totalitarian regime in their homeland.

148 Sokolov Nikolai Dmitrievich (1870-1928) - lawyer, until 1917 a Bolshevik, then a non-factional socialist who supported the Mensheviks. Member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. Member of the Pre-Parliament. After the October Revolution, he worked in Soviet institutions.

149 Raskolnikov (Ilyin) Fedor Fedorovich (1892-1939) - Bolshevik from 1910. In 1917, head of the military department of the Kronstadt Council of Sailors' Deputies. After the October Revolution - Commissar of the General Staff of the Navy, member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the RSFSR. In December 1918, he was captured by the British, but was exchanged for British officers in May 1919, after which he held various command positions during the civil war. After the civil war, he switched to diplomatic work, was the plenipotentiary representative of the RSFSR (USSR) in Afghanistan, Estonia, Denmark, Bulgaria. At the same time he wrote plays. In 1938 he refused to return from Sofia to Moscow and fled to France, where he denounced Stalin in an open letter addressed to the Soviet dictator. He died under strange circumstances. Apparently, he was killed by Soviet agents.

palace in Petrograd. Majority of the Constituent Assembly, in which

Socialist-Revolutionaries prevailed, refused to approve the Bolshevik decrees and transfer

the power of the Soviets. The assembly was dispersed by armed force at dawn 6 (19)

151 Lukomsky Alexander Sergeevich (1868 - 1939) - Russian military leader,

lieutenant general. Assistant Commander-in-Chief, then Commander-in-Chief

Volunteer Army (1918-1919), Chairman of the Government of the South of Russia

The 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was held in Petrograd on June 3-24 (June 16-July 7), 1917. 248 delegates followed the Mensheviks, 285 followed the Socialist-Revolutionaries. The Bolshevik faction had 102 seats. Lenin, speaking at the congress, announced the readiness of the Bolsheviks to take power into their own hands.

153 Martov L. (Zederbaum Julius Osipovich) (1873-1923) - participated in the social democratic movement from 1895. From 1903 he was one of the leaders of the Mensheviks. In 1917-1918. the leader of the Menshevik-internationalists, who at the end of 1917 achieved a dominant position in the RSDLP (united). Member of the Party Central Committee. In 1920, he left for Germany to attend the congress of the Independent Social Democratic Labor Party, but did not return to Russia, becoming an emigrant. In 1921 he was the founder of the Menshevik journal Socialist Herald. One of the founders of the centrist "Second and a Half International".

154 Lunacharsky Anatoly Vasilievich (1875--1933) --Soviet statesman. Social Democrat since 1895. In 1917-1929. People's Commissar of Education of the RSFSR. In 1933, he was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the USSR in Spain, but did not take up his duties due to health reasons. He was the author of numerous works on the history of social thought, as well as dogmatic and extremely weak plays in artistic terms.

155 Factory committees (factory committees) existed at Russian enterprises from March 1917 to the beginning of 1919. They exercised control over production, introduced an eight-hour working day, participated in the hiring and firing of labor, etc. In the first months of 1919, the Bolshevik authorities, fearing the influence of the factory committees, which sometimes went beyond the limits of party directives, merged them with the trade unions.

156 Grimm Robert (1881-1956) - one of the leaders of the Social Democratic Party of Switzerland. Party chairman in 1909-1919 He was chairman of the Zimmerwald (1915) and Kienthal (1916) conferences, led the Zimmerwald Association. Centrist. Participated in the creation of the "Second and a half International". In the spring of 1917 he visited Russia and campaigned for a way out of the world war by concluding a separate peace with Germany. During Grimm's stay in Petrograd, it was established that he exchanged secret letters with the Swiss minister Hoffmann about the German conditions for concluding a separate peace with Russia. Grimm was expelled from Russia by the Provisional Government. His actions were recognized by the International Socialist Commission (the executive body of the Zimmerwald movement) as incompatible with this movement, and he was relieved of his duties as chairman of the Commission. Grimm was one of the organizers of the Second and a Half International. In 1945-1946. was chairman of the National Council of Switzerland.

157 This refers to the speech of V.I. Lenin on the attitude towards the Provisional Government on June 4 (17), 1917, published in Pravda on June 15 (28) and 16 (29).

158 Shortly after the February Revolution of 1917, a group calling themselves anarcho-communists seized P.N. Durnovo, former tsarist minister of the interior, in the Vyborg district of Petrograd. The authorities did not recognize this takeover, but they did not take steps to expel the anarchists either. On June 5 (18), the group seized the printing house of the right-wing newspaper Russkaya Volya and began to issue leaflets on its basis. June 7 (20) P.N. Pereverzev, Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government, delivered an ultimatum to the anarchists demanding that they leave Durnovo's dacha within 24 hours. The workers of several enterprises in the Vyborg region and the sailors of Kronstadt supported the anarchists. On June 9 (22) the latter formed the "Provisional Revolutionary Committee", which existed until the beginning of July. During the events of 3-5 (16-18) July, the anarchists were dispersed, some of them were arrested.

159 Bogdanov Boris Osipovich (pseudonym B. Olenin) (1884-1960) - leader of the Menshevik Party. During the First World War, he was one of the leaders of the working group at the Central Military Industrial Committee. In May-August 1917 he was a member of the Organizing Committee of the Party. In August, he was elected a candidate member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united) at the unification congress of the Mensheviks. He stood on the positions of revolutionary defencism. He was a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. He reacted negatively to the October Revolution. In 1918 he was one of the initiators of the anti-Bolshevik movement at the industrial enterprises of Petrograd. Beginning in 1918, he was subjected to numerous arrests. He was released from the concentration camp after the XX Congress of the CPSU.

160 Bakuninists - supporters of M.A. Bakunin (see note 70).

161 The Blanquists are supporters of the French socialist Blanqui Louis Aposte (1805-1881). Blanqui was a participant in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848-1849. In the 1930s he led secret revolutionary societies. He adhered to sectarian tactics, connected the success of the revolution with the conspiracy of a secret organization of revolutionaries, whom, in his opinion, at a decisive moment would be supported by the masses. The Mensheviks often reproached the Bolsheviks for following Blanquist tactics.

162 Erlich Heinrich Moiseevich (1882--?) - Menshevik. He was co-opted into the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united) after the unification congress in August 1917.

163 Rusanov (Kudrin) N.S. - Menshevik. Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, member of the Foreign Representative Office of the RSDLP (united). After the October Revolution of 1917 he emigrated.

164 Smirnov A.N. -- Petrograd metal worker, Menshevik, revolutionary defencist, candidate member of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (united) since August 1917.

165 Information about the front-line soldier Smirnov could not be found.

166 "Crosses" - a prison in Petrograd, built in 1892 in the form of a cross with a central tower, which made it possible to control four buildings. By 1917, the "Crosses" contained mainly political prisoners.

167 The named article in the Collected Works of V.I. Lenin is not included. Authorship remains in doubt.

168 Vilenkin A.A. - Trudovik, chairman of the committee of the 5th army, member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

169 The All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) was

elected by the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies 17

members and 64 candidates. The party composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was as follows: the Mensheviks -

107 members and 16 candidates, Socialist-Revolutionaries - 101 and 18, Bolsheviks - 35 and 21, Trudoviks

and popular socialists - 4 and 2, 1st place was taken by the Jewish Socialist

170 We are talking about the Executive Committee elected at the First All-Russian

socialists. The majority were right SRs. The Board supported

Provisional government, considering it the government of the salvation of the revolution.

171 We are talking about the supporters of the Socialist-Revolutionary leader N.D. Avksentiev (see note 92),

who, as just noted, had a majority in the Executive

Committee elected by the First All-Russian Congress of Peasants' Deputies.

172 We are talking about the order of the Minister of War A.F. Kerensky, who ordered the return of soldiers born in 1877 (i.e., 40 years old and older) to the army, to stop providing them with leave from the active army to participate in field work. The order was issued in June 1917.

173 Women's Volunteer Battalions (often referred to as "death battalions") were formed after the February Revolution. Their participants were distinguished by fanaticism and readiness for self-sacrifice. The women's shock battalion took part in the protection of the Winter Palace when it was the seat of the Provisional Government. Immediately after the October Revolution, the women's battalions were dispersed.

174 Formed in March 1917, the Central Rada (Council) of Ukraine (in its

the composition included representatives of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries,

Ukrainian Social Democratic Party, Ukrainian Social Democratic Party

revolution, as well as representatives of public organizations) worked under

chaired by the prominent historian M.S. Grushevsky. In June, the Rada demanded

recognition of the autonomy of Ukraine, including the allocation of Ukrainian soldiers and

representatives of the Provisional Government arrived in Kyiv Kerensky, Tereshchenko

and Tsereteli, who signed an agreement with the Rada on the autonomy of Ukraine,

creation of national military units, inclusion in the Rada

representatives of non-Ukrainian nationalities, etc. The agreement was one

of the reasons for the resignation from the government of the Cadets who protested against it, and in

the whole July political crisis.

175 Their deputies were called Fellow Ministers.

176 Ensign of the 16th Siberian Rifle Regiment Ermolenko D.S. (1874-?) was a prisoner of war in Germany. In April 1917, he crossed the front line, appeared at the location of the Russian command and testified that he had been recruited by the Germans in order to agitate in favor of peace with Germany and undermine confidence in the Provisional Government with all his might. He said that Lenin and other Bolsheviks were instructed to conduct similar agitation, that this activity was financed by the German General Staff, and named the channels for receiving money. Revelatory articles by G.A. Aleksinsky, V.M. Burtsev and other authors. The sensational report "Lenin, Ganetsky and Co. - German spies" was published by the tabloid newspaper Zhivoe Slovo. Documents were printed testifying to the financing of the Bolsheviks by the German ruling circles. On July 4, 1917, Minister of Justice P.N. Pereverzev began an investigation. The government published some of them (as well as Trotsky, who was not formally a Bolshevik) were actually arrested.Lenin and Zinoviev went underground, where they remained until the October Revolution.

177 Nekrasov Nikolai Vissarionovich (1879--1940) - one of the leaders of the Cadets, process engineer, professor. Member of the III and IV State Duma. One of the leaders of the Union of Zemstvos and Cities (Zemgora). In 1917, Minister of Railways of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, he recognized Bolshevik power and retired from political activity. From 1921 he worked in the Tsentrosoyuz. In 1931 he was arrested, in 1933 he was released. He was again arrested during the "great terror" and shot without trial.

178 Iskosol - Executive Committee of the Council of Soldiers' Deputies.

179 For the arrests of the Bolsheviks at the beginning of July 1917 and the flight of Lenin, see note. 176.

180 The transformation of the government after the events of July 3-4 (16-17), 1917 was due to the fact that on July 2-7 (15-20) due to the failure of the offensive at the front, disagreements on the issue of relations with the Ukrainian Central Rada and, most importantly, the turbulent events in Petrograd on July 3-4, some of the ministers of the Provisional Government (the Cadets) resigned. On July 24 (August 6), the third (second coalition) Provisional Government headed by A.F. Kerensky, which included seven Cadets and five Socialist-Revolutionaries and Popular Socialists adjoining them, three Mensheviks.

181 June 18, 1917, on the orders of Minister of War Kerensky, the Russian troops of the Southwestern Front went on the offensive. At first it developed successfully. On June 28 (July 11), the city of Galich was taken and the advance to Kalush began. On July 6 (19), German troops launched a counteroffensive, broke through the front of the Russian army in the Tarnopol region (now Ternopol). The German offensive lasted about two weeks and gradually subsided.

182 After lengthy discussions, the Provisional Government at the beginning of July 1917 decided to reinstate the death penalty by courts-martial for servicemen at the front who had committed serious crimes. This decision caused widespread public discontent, especially since the death penalty was abolished immediately after the February Revolution.

183 Savinkov Boris Viktorovich (pseudonym V. Ropshin) (1879--1925) - Russian politician and writer. Since 1903, the Socialist-Revolutionary, one of the leaders of the Fighting Organization of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the organizer of many terrorist acts. Comrade (Deputy) and Acting Minister of War in the Provisional Government. He was a representative of the government in the headquarters of the Supreme Commander Kornilov and contributed to Kornilov's speech in August 1917 for the creation of a strong government. After the October Revolution, an active participant in anti-Bolshevik speeches. The head of the anti-Bolshevik armed uprising in Yaroslavl in the summer of 1918. In the following years, an emigrant. Author of a number of poems, short stories and novels. In 1924, he became the victim of a provocation by the OGPU, which lured him to Soviet territory. Was arrested. At the trial, he declared the recognition of the Bolshevik government. Was sentenced to prison. He committed suicide (official version) or was killed by order of the authorities (V. Shalamov's version).

184 Gobechia - in the summer of 1917 acting commissar of the Provisional Government on the Southwestern Front.

185 Filonenko MM. -- Staff Captain, Right Socialist-Revolutionary, High Commissioner of the Provisional Government at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander in August 1917. Contributed to General Kornilov's speech for the establishment of strong state power in Russia. During the advance of Kornilov's troops to Petrograd, he arrived in the city ostensibly to repulse, but in fact to assist them. Was removed from office.

186 As commander of the Southwestern Front, and then Supreme Commander L.G. Kornilov demanded that a strict state order be established in Russia, which would ensure the successful conduct of hostilities. The day after his appointment as front commander, he demanded the introduction of the death penalty and the creation of courts-martial in the theater of operations. After his appointment as Supreme Commander, he developed a program to stabilize the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of ​​​​creating an army in the trenches, an army in the rear and an army of railway workers. With demands of this kind, Kornilov spoke at the State Conference in Moscow in August 1917. Kornilov's arrival in Moscow was enthusiastic

met by right circles. With his speech at the State Conference, preparations began for an armed uprising against the Provisional Government, which was accused of "spinelessness."

187 Klembovsky Vladislav Napoleonovich (1860 - 1921) - General of Infantry (1915). During the First World War he was a corps commander, chief of staff of the Southwestern Front, deputy chief of staff of the Supreme Commander, In 1917 he commanded the Northern Front. After the October Revolution, he went over to the side of the Bolshevik government. Studied the history of the First World War. He was accused of treason and shot.

188 Danilov Nikolai Alexandrovich (1867--?) - General of Infantry from the beginning of the First World War. He was a corps commander, commander of the 2nd Army. After the October Revolution of 1937, he joined the Red Army, was a military adviser to the Soviet delegation at peace negotiations with Germany in Brest-Litovsk. He taught at the Academy of the General Staff. In 1928-1931. was the head of the Military-Technical Academy of the Red Army. Author of a number of works on the theory and history of wars. The circumstances of death are unknown. Apparently, he was arrested and shot during the "great terror".

189 Parsky Dmitry Pavlovich (1866 - 1921) - lieutenant general. During the First World War he led the army. In February 1918 he joined the Red Army, commanded the defense of Yamburg and Narva during the German offensive in February 1918. Then he commanded the Northern Front.

190 We are talking about a general known in the Russian army by his last name and first name

Dimitriev Radko (correct surname and first name Ruskov Radko Dimitrov) (1859-

1918). R. Dimitriev was a Bulgarian military figure, a general. Participated in

the national liberation movement of the Bulgarian people against the Turkish

dominion and in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Graduated from the Russian military

academy, after which he returned to Bulgaria, participated in the First Balkan

war of 1912-1913 Commanding the troops, he achieved several major victories. AT

1913--1914 was Minister Plenipotentiary of Bulgaria in Russia. Then he entered

service in the Russian army. During the First World War he commanded the 3rd and

12th armies. After the October Revolution, he was in the Soviet Union for a short time.

military service. He was detained as a hostage at the headquarters of the Caucasian Red

army during the offensive of Denikin's Volunteer Army in the Kuban and

shot.

191 Anatoly Eduardovich Dubois (1881 - 1958) - in 1903-1906 Bolshevik, then Menshevik. He worked in Petrograd, Revel in Riga. During the First World War, he was at the front near Riga, was the commissar of the 12th Army. Member of the unification congress of the RSDLP in August 1917. He stood in defense positions. After the October Revolution, he was arrested. In 1922 he emigrated to Germany.

192 Baltiysky A.A. - General of the Russian army, from February 1918 he served in the Red Army.

193 Boldyrev Vasily Georgievich (1875 - 1936) - Lieutenant General of the Russian

army, a participant in the struggle against the Bolshevik authorities during the civil

war. He commanded the troops of the Ukrainian Directory in 1918. From 1926 he served

in Soviet institutions.

194 Kuchin (pseudonym Oransky) Georgy Dmitrievich (1896--?) - Menshevik, in 1917 a front-line soldier, defencist, representative of military organizations at the uniting congress of the RSDLP in August 1917 and other congresses and meetings of the Mensheviks. After the October Revolution, he took part in protests against

Bolshevik power. He was under arrest. In 1935 he was sentenced to five years of exile. Apparently, he was shot during the "great terror".

195 Kharash Ya.A. - Right Menshevik. In the autumn of 1917, he was commissioner of the Provisional Government in the armies of the Northern Front. He advocated sending units of the Petrograd garrison to the front. At the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets, he sharply criticized the Bolshevik coup. He was the initiator of the departure of the Mensheviks from the congress.

196 The Labor People's Socialist Party existed in 1906-1918. Separated from the right wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The program included the creation of a democratic republic, the alienation of landowners' lands for redemption, and the preservation of large peasant landownership. The leaders were N.F. Annensky, V.A. Myakotin, A. V. Peshskhonov. In June 1917 the party merged with the Trudoviks. It was banned by the Bolshevik authorities.

197 The Latvian rifle units (parts of the Latvian riflemen) were created in 1915. In 1916 they were deployed to the Latvian rifle division. In 1917, a sharp political struggle was waged among the Latvian Riflemen, the focus of which was the Executive Committee of the Latvian Riflemen (Iskolastrel), in which the Bolsheviks prevailed.

198 Vatsetis Ioakim Ioakimovich (1873--1938) - Soviet military leader, commander of the 2nd rank (1936). During the Civil War he commanded a Latvian regiment, then a Latvian rifle division. In 1918-1919. Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Republic. Author of works on strategy and military history. Arrested during the "great terror", shot without trial.

199 The State Conference on 12-15 (25-28) August 1917 was convened by the Provisional Government. About 2,500 people were present - 488 deputies of the State Duma of all convocations, 313 representatives of cooperatives, 150 - commercial and industrial circles, 176 - from trade unions, 147 - from city dumas, 158 - from zemstvos, 117 - from the army and fleet, 129 - from the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies, 100 - from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, etc. A.F. Kerensky presided. Reports of the ministers of the interior, food and finance were heard. No resolutions were adopted at the meeting.

200 In May-June 1917, under the leadership of A.F. Kerensky, several meetings were held to consider the issues of strengthening the military ministry and preparing the offensive of the Russian army.

201 Kaledin Alexander Mikhailovich (1861-1918) - cavalry general. Since 1917, the ataman of the Don Cossack army. In October 1917-February 1918, he led an uprising in the Don region against the Bolshevik authorities, which was brutally suppressed by armed detachments loyal to the Bolsheviks. Committed suicide.

202 Caesar Guy Julius (102 or 100 - 44 BC) - Roman dictator in 49, 48-46, 45, from 44 for life. Prominent commander. Having concentrated in his hands a number of republican positions (dictator, consul, etc.), he became a de facto monarch. He was killed in a Republican conspiracy. Caesar was the author of Notes on the Gallic War and Notes on the Civil Wars. He reformed the calendar - introduced the Julian calendar.

203 Napoleon I (Napoleon Bonaparte) (1769-1821) - French emperor in 1804-1814 and in March-June 1815. Participant in the revolution of 1789-1799. as an officer and later as a general in the Republican army. In November 1799, he carried out a coup d'état (18 Brumaire according to the revolutionary

calendar), as a result of which he concentrated state power in his hands as the first consul. The coup meant the end of the revolution. In 1804, Bonaparte proclaimed himself emperor. He fought a number of successful wars. As a result of the defeat in Russia in 1812, the disintegration of Napoleon's empire began. After the entry of the armies of the anti-French coalition into Paris in the spring of 1814, Napoleon abdicated and was exiled to Fr. Elba in the Mediterranean. In March 1815, he again seized power in France ("100 days"), but after the defeat at Waterloo in June of the same year, he again abdicated and was exiled to Fr. Helena in the Atlantic Ocean, where he spent the last years of his life.

204 Rock - General of the Russian army, who commanded a formation on the Northern Front during the First World War. For failure to comply with the order during the hostilities near Riga in August 1917, he was arrested and brought to a military court.

205 The Smolny Institute for Noble Maidens is an educational institution of a closed type for the children of the nobility. The Smolny building was built in 1806-1808. architect J. Quarenghi. Since August 1917, the building housed the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet. After the October Revolution (until March 1918) the residence of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, then the party bodies of Petrograd (Leningrad).

206 Bagratuni Ya.G. -- Colonel of the Russian army, in 1917 he served in the headquarters

Petrograd Military District, one of the organizers of the defense of Petrograd from

offensive of the troops of General Kornilov in August 1917.

207 The Astoria is a fashionable hotel in Petrograd.

208 Krymov Alexander Mikhailovich (1871 - 1917) - lieutenant general (1919). During the performance of Kornilov, he commanded a cavalry corps moving towards Petrograd. After the failure of the campaign, he shot himself.

209 Dutov Alexander Ilyich (1879 - 1921) - Lieutenant General (1919). In November 1917, he led the uprising of the Cossacks against the Bolsheviks in Orenburg (South Ural). He commanded the Orenburg army in the armed forces of Kolchak. After the defeat of Kolchak, he fled to China, where he was killed.

came to Kerensky and declared that, on behalf of General Kornilov, he demanded

the transfer of all power to the latter to form a new government.

Kerensky was offered the post of Minister of Justice. Lvov suggested

Kerensky to leave for Headquarters for final negotiations. Kerensky

phoned Kornilov, who denied that Lvov was his representative. Following

after this, Kornilov's troops were moved to Petrograd. Lvov was arrested and

imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Kornilov's speech, declaring

that he was taking power into his own hands was suppressed. In Kornilov's manifesto

"To the Russian people" it was said: "I did not send Lvov to Kerensky, but, on the contrary,

Kerensky was the first to send Lvov to me and provocatively forced me to

performance".

211 Nahamkis is Steklov's real name (see note 40).

212 Zavoyko Vasily Stepanovich - political adviser to L.G. Kornilov,

a relative of the banker A.I. Putilov, landowner and entrepreneur. Performed

functions of Kornilov's liaison with representatives of big capital during

Kornilov's speeches for the establishment in Russia of a strong state

authorities. Zavoyko's significant role during this performance was

confirmed by the Special Commission for the Investigation of the Kornilov

performances created by the Provisional Government. Zavoiko was arrested.

Further fate is unknown.

213 Verkhovsky Alexander Ivanovich (1886 - 1938) - Major General. In August-October 1917, Minister of War of the Provisional Government. From 1919 he served in the Red Army. From 1921 he was in teaching. Author of a number of works on military history. In 1931, Verkhovsky was awarded the rank of brigade commander. Arrested during the "great terror", shot without trial.

214 Verderevsky Dmitry Nikolaevich (1873--1946) - military leader, sailor. In 1917, the commander of the Baltic Fleet, and then the naval minister of the Provisional Government, Admiral. After the October Revolution of 1917, he was in the service of the Bolshevik leadership for a short time. In 1918 he emigrated. Lived in Paris. During the Second World War, he participated in the French resistance movement.

215 Sazonov Sergey Dmitrievich (1860-1927) - Russian statesman, Minister of Foreign Affairs (1910-1916) in Russia. In 1918-1919. was a member of the governments of A.I. Denikin and A.V. Kolchak. Then he emigrated.

216 The All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to

1917 in Petrograd. Over 1500 delegates attended. The meeting adopted

decision to establish the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic

(Pre-parliament).

217 Potresov (pseudonym Starover) Alexander Nikolaevich (1869--1934) -

social democrat. In 1896 he was a member of the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle for

emancipation of the working class. Since 1900 he was a member of the editorial board of the Iskra newspaper. Since 1903

one of the leaders of the Mensheviks. He headed the right wing of the Menshevik Party.

After the October Revolution of 1917, he took a sharply hostile position in

against the power of the Bolsheviks. In 1918 he left the Menshevik Party in

associated with political controversy. In 1925, for health reasons, he received

permission to travel to France. He published the journal Notes of a Social Democrat.

In 1927 he published the book Captured by Illusions. (My dispute with the official

Menshevism).

218 The Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (Left Socialist-Revolutionaries) was formed as a result of the split of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party in 1917 and finally took shape immediately after the October Revolution. Published the newspaper "Land and Freedom". The Left SRs entered into a coalition with the Bolsheviks. Party representatives entered the government of V.I. Lenin and other organs of the Bolshevik government, occupying secondary posts. The party leaders were M.A. Spiridonova, B.D. Kamkov, MA. Natanson, P.P. Proshyan. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries opposed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany. In early July 1918, as a result of provocations by the authorities and the assassination of the German ambassador Mirbach on July 6, the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Party was accused of organizing a rebellion, which in fact did not take place. This was the reason for the arrest of the leaders and the actual prohibition of the party, the establishment of not only actual, but also formal Bolshevik autocracy. Disparate groups of former Left SRs in 1918 and 1920 joined the Bolshevik Party.

219 The Alexandrinsky Theater in St. Petersburg was founded in 1756. It received

name in 1832 in honor of Emperor Alexander I. In 1920 it was renamed

to the Petrograd (since 1924 Leningrad) Academic Drama Theater.

220 The Pre-Parliament (Provisional Council of the Russian Republic) was formed

at the All-Russian Democratic Conference in early October 1917. This

was the first and only step at that time towards the creation of a parliamentary

building. On the opening day of the pre-parliament, Trotsky, on behalf of the Bolsheviks, announced

declaration of the incompatibility of this body with the interests of the development of the revolution.

The Bolsheviks left the pre-parliament.

221 Cheremisov V.A. - Russian general, from September 1917 commander of the Northern Front. He refused to participate in the speech of Kornilov and at the same time actually sabotaged Kerensky's orders to suppress the speeches of the Bolsheviks. He tried to send the troops of the Petrograd garrison to the front.

222 Bartholomew's Night - massacre of Huguenots by Catholics on the night of

French Queen Catherine de Medici and Henry of Guise - the head

Catholic League.

223 The Military Revolutionary Committee (Voyenrevkom) of the Petrograd Soviet was

in the event of the approach of German troops, in fact, to carry out

Bolshevik coup. The military revolutionary committee was directly led by

Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet L.D. Trotsky. Was eliminated 5 (18)

December 1917

224 The Conference of Soviets of the Petrograd Governorate was held in Kronstadt

in mid-October 1917. It was held under the Bolshevik slogans.

The Conference adopted a resolution on the current situation, in which it demanded

the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets.

225 The Regional Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region took place during the preparation

Reports from the field, the current situation, the land issue, the military

political situation, about the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, about the Constituent

meetings, organizational issues. To the elected Northern Regional Committee

11 Bolsheviks and 6 Left Social Revolutionaries entered.

226 Pronunciamento (pronunciomento) (Spanish) --name of the state

coup in Spain and Latin America.

227 The Peter and Paul Fortress is located opposite the Winter Palace on the other

bank of the Neva. Founded by Peter I in 1703, then completed (architects

D. Trezzini, N.A. Lvov). The fortress contained political and other

"state" prisoners. Had an arsenal and was important

strategic point of Petrograd. Now the historical museum.

228 Polkovnikov Georgy Petrovich (1863--1918) - Colonel of the Russian army. In 1917 he commanded the troops of the Petrograd Military District. One of the leaders of the Junker resistance to the Bolsheviks in October 1917, he fled to the Don. He was captured by supporters of the Bolsheviks and shot.

229 During the First World War, small military units (usually battalions) were formed, moving around on motorcycles and bicycles. They got the name scooters. They did not participate directly in hostilities. In the reserve scooter companies stationed in Petrograd in 1917, there was a significant influence of the Bolsheviks.

230 The Winter Palace is a monument of Russian baroque architecture in St. Petersburg.

Built in 1754-1762. V. Rastrelli. It was the residence of the emperors. AT

June-October 1917 the residence of the Provisional Government. Since 1918 part, but

Since 1922, the entire building has been transferred to the Hermitage and turned into a museum.

231 Konovalov Alexander Ivanovich (1875--1948) --Russian textile

manufacturer and politician. Leader of the Progressive Party and

Progressive Bloc (association of Progressives, Octobrists, Cadets and other

groups) in the IV State Duma, formed in 1915 under the slogan

implementation of liberal reforms. Konovalov was the Minister of Trade and

industry of the Provisional Government. After the October Revolution

1917 participated in the struggle against the Bolshevik government, and then emigrated to France. He advocated the continuation of the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In 1924-1940. was chairman of the board of editors of the newspaper "Latest News", published by Milyukov. From 1940 he lived in the USA.

232 Dukhonin Nikolai Nikolaevich (1876--1917) - Russian military figure, lieutenant general (1917). After the October Revolution of 1917, he was appointed commander in chief, but refused to comply with Lenin's order to negotiate an armistice with Germany. On November 9 (22), 1917, he was removed from his post (Bolshevik ensign N. Krylenko was appointed commander-in-chief). After the Headquarters in Mogilev was occupied by units propagandized by the Bolsheviks, Dukhonin was killed by soldiers.

233 Tolstoy Pavel Mikhailovich - journalist, cadet. He was assistant to the head of the political department of the Provisional Government.

234 Baranovsky Vladimir Lvovich - Colonel of the Russian army in 1917.

A.F.'s wife's brother Kerensky. He was the head of Kerensky's personal secretariat

as Minister of War and then Minister-President of the Provisional

government. In the autumn of 1917, the quartermaster general of the headquarters of the Northern Front.

235 Yuzist - a telegraph operator who worked on the so-called Yuz apparatus

(letter telegraph machine created by inventor D. E. Hughes in 1855)

1917 in Petrograd. 670 delegates took part. At the opening of the congress in

it was attended by 50 Menshevik defencists, 33 Menshevik internationalists

(including members of the New Life group, who organizationally in the RSDLP

(united) were not included), about 200 Socialist-Revolutionaries (two-thirds of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries), over

Provisional Government and the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets. Before that almost

all the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries left the meeting room, and the declaration was adopted

following this, decrees on peace and land were approved and a government was formed

headed by V.I. Lenin. The congress elected a new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (101 members, including

including 62 Bolsheviks, 28 Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, 6 Socialist Internationalists,

3 Ukrainian Social Democrats, 1 SR Maximalist).

237 Dybenko Pavel Efimovich (1889--1938) --Soviet military figure,

Bolshevik since 1912. Sailor of the Baltic Fleet. In 1917 Chairman

Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet (Tsentrobalt) - an elected body

naval committees. In 1918, People's Commissar for Maritime Affairs. During the civil

war commanded groups of troops. Later he was the commander of the military

districts. Commander of the second rank (1935). Arrested during the Great Terror

and shot without trial.

238 Muravyov Mikhail Artemyevich (1880 - 1918) - Left Social Revolutionary, participant in the October Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd and the Civil War. The head of the defense of Petrograd during the speech of Kerensky and Krasnov against the Bolshevik coup d'état. Commander of troops in the south of Ukraine, and then on the Eastern Front in 1918. In July 1918, he mutinied in Simbirsk, suppressed by the Red Army. Killed while trying to arrest.

NAME INDEX

Abramovich V. -275

Avilov B.V. - 45, 103, 122, 123,

Axelrod P.B. - 12, 17, 300 Alexander I-310 Alexander III - 51, 287 Alexandra Fedorovna - 282 Alekseev M.V. - 94, 297 Aleksinsky G.A. - 293, 305 Anisimov V.A. - 76, 77, 295 Annensky N.F. - 308 Baade F. - 12 Bagration - 228 Bagratuni Ya.G. - 221-223, 309 Bazarov V.A. - 45, 122, 123, 289 Bakunin MA. - 69, 127, 129, 288,

Baltiysky A.A. - 277, 307. Bantysh - 283 Baranovsky V.L. - 261, 276, 277,

Batursky B.S. - 300 Böhm-Bawerk E. - 5 Berlin P.A. - 12 Bethman-Hollweg T. - 99, 298 Blanks L.O. - 304 Bobrovsky - 34 Bogdanov B.O. - 147, 219, 220,

300, 304 Boldyrev V.T. - 194, 195, 207,

208, 210, 211-215, 277, 307 Bonch-Bruevich V.D. - 103, 104, 299 Branting K.Ya. - 299 Bruderer - 39 Brusilov A.A. - 99, 298 Bublikov A.A. - 23, 24, 284 Burtsev V.M. - 305 Weinberg Yu.S. - 111, 300

Weinstein S.L. - 7, 35, 39, 76,

77, 295 Vandervelde E. - I, 109, ON,

Vatsetis I.I. - 200, 308 Verderevsky D.N. - 236, 310 Verkharn E. - 96, 298 Verkhovsky A.I. - 236, 241, 251,

252, 310 Vilenkin A.A. - 155, 156, 178,

179, 182, 197, 198, 244, 304 Wilhelm P. - 37, 101, 105, 106,

147, 148, 287 Wilson T.V. - 80, 296 Vinogradov S. - 127, 301 Vish - 202 Vishniak - 272 - 4 Voitinsky B.C. - 3-17, 273,

274, 276-281, 292, 300 Voitinsky I.S. - 4 Voitinsky N.S. - 4 Volsky S. - 122, 123, 301 Voronovich - 225, 226 Galili 3. - 283 Ganetsky Ya.S. - 305 Gvozdev K.A. - 282 Henderson A. - 109, 110, 300 Gessen I.V. - 34, 49, 286, 294 Guise G. - 311 Hindenburg P. - 298 Hitler A. - 298 Gobechia - 184, 306 Goldenberg I.P. - 66, 69, 103,

122, 123, 151, 299

Goltsman L. - 39, 300

Hopkins D. - 14

Gorky M. - 10, 44, 45, 122,

Hoffman - 303

Hoffman M. - 290

Gots A.R. - 23, 35, 39, 76, 77,

103, 220, 221, 283, 285 Grzhebin Z.I. - 3, 17, 53 Grimm R. - 144, 145, 303 Grushevsky M.S. - 305 Gubin - 226 Gul R. - 275 Guchkov A.I. - 89, 92, 93, 99, 100,

112-114, 297 Huysmans K. - 299 Dan F.I. - 7, 76, 77, 87, 101,

103, 150, 174, 294, 300 Danilov N.A. - 179, 189, 195,

197, 307 Deutsch L.G. - 293 Demosthenes - 290 Denikin A.I. - 223, 227, 229,

302, 307, 310 Dimitriev R. - 307 Dmitry Pavlovich - 282 Dorfman - 207, 208 Duncan D. - 299 Durnovo P.N. - 145, 146, 152,

157, 162, 186, 303 Dutov A.I. - 227, 309 Dukhonin N.N. - 259, 312 Dybenko P.E. - 267-270, 281,

Dubois A.E. - 190, 191, 196 Ezhov V. - 300 Catherine de Medici - 311 Ermolaev K.M. - 76, 295 Ermolenko D.S. - 176, 305 Zhilin - 168 Zavoyko B.C. 233, 309 Zasulich V.I. - 293 Zinoviev G.E. - 67, 107, 143,

291-293, 305 Ioffe G.Z. - 4, 272 Isuv I.A. - 300 Kaledin A.M. - 205, 308 Kamenev L.B. - 60, 84, 169, 291,

Kamkov B.D. - 310 Kashen M. - 109, 299 Kautsky K. - 12 Quarenghi D. 309 Kerensky A.F. - 9, 28, 36, 92

94, 113, 114, 118, 120, 135-138, 145, 147, 149, 153, 154, 163, 164, 167, 172, 178, 183, 187, 202, 204, 205, 215, 219, 220, 223, 227, 229-231, 233-235, 237, 241, 246, 253, 254, 258, 260-263, 266-270, 275

277, 279-282, 284, 285, 297,

301, 305, 306, 308, 309, 312

Kirov SM. - 291, 293

Clemenceau J. - 80, 296

Klembovsky V.N. - 188, 189, 191, 232, 244, 277, 307

Knyazev L.M. - 22, 283

Kozlov P.K. - 22, 283

Kolosov E. - 198

Kolchak A.V. - 295, 309, 310

Peg - 89

Kondratiev - 263

Konovalov A.I. - 259, 311

Kornilov V.A. - 92, 298

Kornilov L.G. - 9, 184, 204, 205, 219-226, 228-234, 237, 239, 274, 277, 278, 297, 306, 309, 311

Krasnov P.N. - 9, 10, 17, 228-- 230, 253, 258", 261-263, 267, 269, 276, 277, 280, 281, 301, 312

Krestinsky N.N. - 57, 291

Kruglikov A. - 39

Krylenko N.V. - 312

Krymov A.M. - 223, 227, 229, 230, 309

Kuropatkin - 198

Kuchin G.D. - 196, 199, 205, 217, 240, 241, 307

Kshesinskaya M.F. - 62, 66, 68, 69, 172, 181, 186, 289

Lavrov P.L. - 287

Lavrov - 34

Lassalle F.% - 51, 290

Lashevich M.M. - 97, 299

Lenin V.I. - 8-10, 18, 41, 42, 61-63, 65-69, 71-75, 77, 90, 96-98, 100, 103, 116, 122, 127, 139, 145, 149, 152, 180 , 182, 199, 268, 269, 274, 275,

278, 281, 283, 286-288, 291 -

293, 299, 302-305, 310-312

Liber M.I. - 76, 77, 295 Linde F.F. - 89, 297 Lloyd George - 80, 296 Lukomsky A.S. - 136, 227, 234,

302 Lunacharsky A.V. - 142, 172, 275,

Lvov V.N. - 309 Lvov G.E. - 28, 36, 50, 68, 90

94, 112, 113, 120, 132, 175,

183, 284, 285, 300 Lvov N.A. - 311 Ludendorff E. - 101, 298 Mazurenko 182 Maria Nikolaevna - 296 Marx K. - 5, 51, 64, 127, 284,

239, 301, 303 Mercader R. - 302 Milyukov P.N. - 36, 55, 56, 70,

80-86, 88-92, 105, 112, 113,

119, 120, 126, 136, 163, 164,

170, 176, 205, 223, 226, 227,

237, 252, 286, 294, 296, 297,

Mints - 196 Mirbach-310

Muravyov M.A. - 271, 312 Myakotin V.A. - 308 Nabokov V.V. - 286 Nabokov V.D. - 34, 70, 88, 94,

105, 120, 179, 286, 296 Nagaev - 205

Napoleon I - 205, 288, 308, 309 Natanson M.A. - 310 Nahamkis. See Steklov Yu.M. Nakhimov P.S. - 298 Nekrasov N.V. - 178, 305 Nikolaevsky B.I. 3, 4, 10,

12, 13, 17 Nicholas I - 296 Nicholas II - 37, 47, 135, 138,

139, 282, 286, 287, 289 Parsky D.P. - 189, 194, 195,

197, 201, 203, 204, 206, 213,

214, 218, 244, 277, 307 Pereverzev P.N. - 113, 300, 303,

305 Peter I - 294, 311

Petrov. See Voitinsky B.C. Petrovsky G.I. - 30, 286 Peshekhonov A.V. 113, 117, 300,

Pilts - 22-24, 27, 29, 34 Pinalov S.A. - 4 Pyrrhus - 297 Plekhanov G.V. 12, 17, 61, 68,

Polkovnikov G.P. - 255, 311 Staves - 213, 214 Potemkin Tauride G.A. - 282 Potresov A.N. - 239, 273, 310 Protopopov A.D. - 294 Proshyan P.P. - 310 Prusak V.V. - 133 Purishkevich V.M. - 282 Putilov A.I. - 309 Rabinovich B. - 196 Radko-Dimitriev - 190 Raskolnikov F.F. - 134, 172,

Rasputin G.E. - 21, 282 Russell C.E. - 299 Rastrelli V. - 311 Rembrandt X. - 298 Rodzianko M.V. - 24, 39, 49, 284 Rozhkov N.A. - 76, 295 Rozanov V.-299 Rockefeller - 14 Roshal S.G. - 130, 133, 134, 172,

Rubens P.P. - 298 Rouget de Lisle C.J. - 287 Roosevelt F.D. - 13 Rusanov N.S. - 151, 299, 304 Savinkov B.V. - 184, 220, 221,

223, 234, 306 Sazonov S.D. - 237, 310 Sverdlov Ya.M. - 287 Sevruk P.N. 57, 66, 291 Sergeev - 126 Simonov - 208, 212 Skalon - 210-212, 218, 309 Skvortsov-Stepanov I.I. - 289 Skobelev M.I. - 43, 44, 76, 77,

87, 111, 113, 126, 130, 131,

135, 144, 165, 282, 284, 289 Smirnov A.N. - 151, 299, 304 Smirnov, front-line soldier - 151, 304

Sokolov N.D. - 134, 163, 302 Spiridonova M.A. - 310 Stalin I.V. - 289, 291-293,

299 Stankevich V.B. - 53, 82, 83,

94, 136, 137, 178, 187-191,

197, 198, 218, 224-226,

230, 232, 233, 245, 291 Stanchev M.G. - 4 Old I.E. - 282 Stauning T. - 299 Steklov Yu.M. - 40, 43, 44,

58, 59, 75, 103, 115, 282,

Stolypin P.A. - 287 Suvorin A.S. - 294 Sukhanov N.N. - 36, 44, 45,

53, 84, 119, 123, 176, 177,

227, 282, 287 Tarnov F. - 12 Tereshchenko M.I. - 36, 113,

120, 163, 164, 178, 286, 305 Timofeev E. - 39 Tikhonov A.N. - 122, 301 Tolstoy L.N. - 96, 297 Tolstoy P.M. - 260, 312 Tom A. - 109, 110, 299 Trezzini D. - 311 Trotsky L.D. - 134, 142,

172, 194, 238, 242, 268,

269, 271, 278, 281, 288,

291-293, 301, 302, 305,

Trulstra P.J. - 299 Trukhin - 267-269, 280 Tugan-Baranovsky M.I. - 5 Tumarkin L. - 196 Felitsyn - 33 Felkerzam - 89 Felshtinsky Yu.G. - 3, 4 Philip II - 290 Filonenko M.M. - 184, 233,

Freezer - 38

Kharash Ya.A. - 196, 308

Khaustov F.P. - 298

Khinchuk L.M. - 300

Khodorov - 198

Caesar G.Yu. - 205, 308

Tsereteli I.G. - 7, 10, 23, 26, 30-32, 35, 39, 41, 42, 44, 54-56, 58, 59, 61, 66, 68, 69, 75-77, 81, 82, 84, 86 , 87, 98, 113, 118, 121, 128, 131-135, 144, 145, 148, 149, 151, 154, 164, 165, 180, 183, 219, 239, 242, 243, 282-284, 305

Cherevanin - 152

Cheremisov V.A. - 244-246, 249, 253, 255, 256, 259, 260, 261, 276-281, 311

Chernov V.M. - 76, 77, 84, FROM, 114, 128, 172, 179, 185, 205, 219, 220, 222, 282, 284, 285, 295

Chernyshev I.V. - 103, 299

Chernyshevsky N.G. - 288

Chernyavsky G.I. - 3, 4

Chudnovsky G.I. - 117, 302

Chkheidze N.S. - 28, 39, 43, 61, 76, 77, 82, 83, 98, 112, FROM, 168, 169, 179, 180, 187, 215, 219, 220, 238, 242, 282, 285

Shalamov V. - 306

Shahdan E. - 8

Scheidemann F. - 109, 289, 300

Shakespeare W. - 296

Shingarev A.I. - 296

Shkinsky - 32, 33

Ebert F. - 300

Engels F. - 51, 64, 284, 290, 292

Erlikh G.M. - 151, 299, 304

Yuz D.E. - 312

Yusupov F.F. - 282

INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

Austria-Hungary - 299

Alma-Ata - 302

Angara - 22

England (UK) - 74, 109, 286, 296, 298, 299

Aternus - 298

Atlantic Ocean - 309

Ausculum - 297

Afghanistan - 302

Belgium - 109, 300

Berlin - 3, 12, 17, 34, 49, 53, 57, 89, 136, 286, 291, 297, 300

Bulgaria - 302, 307

Brest-Litovsk - 307

Brussels - 299

Valka - 244

Waterloo - 309

Washington - 14

Great Ocean - 29

Wenden - 214, 217, 218

Vider - 216

Vladivostok - 37

Volga - 149

Vyborg - 78

The Hague - 299

Galich - 306

Gatchina - 224, 263, 266, 269, 281

Helsingfors - 78, 125

Heraclea - 297

Germany - 11-13, 89, 100, 104-- 107, 199. 247, 277, 283, 286, 288-291, 295, 298, 299, 301, 303, 305, 307, 310, 312

Holland - 109, 287, 299

Gomel - 291

Georgia - 10, 11, 271, 283, 285

Denmark - 77, 299, 302

Dvinsk - 178, 188, 215, 218, 245

Don - 269, 284, 297, 311

Don region - 308

Europe - 15, 86

Yekaterinburg - 287

Yekaterinodar - 297

Yekaterinoslav - 6

Zhilkino - 22

Transcaucasia - 289

Western Dvina - 188, 203, 206-

209, 217 Ikskul - 206 Ilkino- 8 India - 16 Irkutsk - 6-8, 16, 20-25, 27

29, 31, 33-35, 38, 39, 41, 43,

45, 49, 295 Spain - 303, 311 Italy - 11, 283, 291 Caucasus - 228 Kazan - 296 Kalush - 306 Carpathians - 214 Kaunas - 291 Kyiv - 164, 305 Kinthal - 139, 144 China - 295, 309 Kotlin - 132 Krakow - 7 Krasnoe Selo 223 Krasnoyarsk Territory - 283 Kronstadt - 127, 129-135, 142,

162, 170, 179, 222, 251, 301,

Kuban - 307

Latvia - 199, 200

Latin America - 14, 311

Lemburg - 216

London - 162, 289

Meadows - 223-226, 263, 264, 266

Malta - 301

Mexico - 302

Minsk - 97, 301

Mogilev - 234, 237, 312

Moscow - 12, 22-24, 38, 53, 159, 169, 204, 238, 243, 251, 295, 298, 301, 302, 306

Munich - 298

Narva - 307

Novgorod - 301

Norway - 109, 302

Oranienbaum - 133

Orenburg - 309

Island - 263, 281

Palestine - 301

Paris - 11, 286, 289, 295, 296, 309-311

Petersburg (Petrograd) - 4, 6, 8-- 10, 14, 17, 20-26, 33, 38-40, 43, 45-47, 49, 51-53, 56, 61, 65, 68, 71, 74, 78, 80, 83, 85, 86, 91, 94, 95, 102, 115, 116, 118, 121, 123, 124-127, 129, 130-135, 140-146, 148-159, 162, 164-166 169 170 172 173 176-180 182-184 187 189-191 197 198 204 205 211 215 216 218-228 230-235 238 239, 247, 249, 250, 253-- 263, 266-270, 272, 273, 276, 278-281, 282, 287, 289, 290, 292, 294-304, 306, 307, 309-312

Peterhof - 155, 170

Petrograd province - 251

Poland - 283

Prague - 300

Baltic - 300

Pripyat - 290

Prussia - 298

Pskov - 187-189, 191, 224, 226, 227, 230-232, 234, 244, 249, 254, 258, 259, 262-266, 276, 279

Revel - 217, 245, 307

Revel district - 249

Riga - 187, 188, 190, 191, 196, 200, 203, 204, 209, 211-218, 224, 249, 300, 307, 309

Gulf of Riga - 188, 197, 203

Rome - 297, 298, 301

Russia (RSFSR) - 9, 12, 14, 16, 21, 23, 29, 34, 37-41, 51, 53, 54, 57-60, 62, 65, 66, 68-70, 72, 77, 80 , 81, 89, 93, 101, 102, 104-108, PO, 114, 115, 117, 118, 124, 130, 131, 136-- 138, 142, 144, 145, 148, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 165, 167, 168, 183, 186-188, 199, 210, 231, 236-238, 251, 252, 256, 268, 273-275, 283-287, 289-- 293, 296, 297 , 299-303, 306, 307, 309

St. Helena Island - 309

Sevastopol - 297

Northern region - 251, 295, 311

Siberia - 7, 17, 20, 23, 24, 30, 37-39, 45, 117, 149, 283, 295

Simbirsk - 312

Sofia - 88, 302

Mediterranean - 309

Stockholm - 89, 111, 300

Stokhod - 49, 290

USA - 3, 5, 12-14, 283, 285, 290, 291, 295, 296, 299

Tabol-Gelenin - 290

Terioki - 133

Ternopil - 306

Tiflis - 10, 20, 271

Tobolsk province - 282

Turkey - 298, 302

Ukraine - 164, 283, 301, 305, 312

Ural - 40, 149

Usolie - 7, 23

Ushakovka - 28

Finland - 78, 125, 188, 204,

248, 278, 292 Gulf of Finland - 133 France - 11, 13, 109, PO, 246,

283, 285, 287, 288, 295, 298,

299, 302, 310, 312 Harbin - 298 Central Asia - 283 Zimmerwald 139, 144

Black Sea - 197

Switzerland - 13, 275, 283, 291,

Sweden - 109, 299 Stettin - 163 Ezel - 244 Elba - 309 Epirus - 297 Estonia - 302 Yakutsk - 30 Yamburg - 226, 307 Japan - 14 Yaroslavl -306